The aim of this paper is to clarify the relationship between reclamation work in Karafuto (present-day Sakhalin) and the construction of its capital city, Toyohara (present-day Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk) after the Russo-Japanese war. There are four main points of consideration. As a study of colonization, this paper examines the relationship between suzerain policy and urban design as well as the transfer of systems and techniques from domestic to overseas territories. In addition, since Karafuto resembled Hokkaido in regional character during Japanese colonial times, as a study of urban design this paper compares Karafuto with Hokkaido, especially in terms of the intentional construction and nodal function of cities. Based on these four points, the contents of this paper can be summarized as follows:
1. Similar to Hokkaido in its population density and ethnic composition, Karafuto has been considered the Japanese overseas territory most similar to its domestic territory in terms of colonial government policies. It has not always been considered so similar in regard to climate and agriculture, however, leading the author to surmize a feeling of incongruity among its settlers. As the ratio of non-settling fishermen to permanent settlers was high in the early colonial times, the encouragement of permanent residence was the most important task of the reclamation work.
2. The construction of the new capital city was begun shortly after the Japanese occupation of Karafuto. From among several choices, the village of Urajimirofuka was selected as the site for the new city due to its location in the Suzuya Plain, an important agricultural area, yet also near a military base and along the main road. The new capital city was named Toyohara.
3. Greatly influenced by the division of farmland, the streets of the new city were laid out in a grid pattern, modeled after the one used in Sapporo. The center line of the new town was its railway, later dividing the governmental area from the civil area. If the design of Sapporo was greatly influenced by the design of cities in domestic territories, then the planning technology of Toyohara can be considered to have been introduced into Karafuto from Japanese domestic territories by way of Hokkaido.
4. The construction of Toyohara was closely related to the division work of farmland. The plans for Toyohara were drafted mainly by persons associated with Sapporo Agricultural College. That is to say, Karafuto received a transfer of experience and technology from the reclamation work carried out in settling Hokkaido as a domestic colony.
5. In the early days of Japanese colonization, the nodal function of cities on Karafuto was of the Reverse Y type, concentrating every function in the city of Otomari. After Toyohara was constructed, the function changed to a Sideways T type, with everything concentrated there. The change was almost complete by 1911.
6. The inland settlement of Karafuto was more difficult than had been expected. As Toyohara was not enthusiastically received by settlers, the Japanese colonial government in Karafuto had to politically promote the invitation of settlers and encourage their permanent residence. Although a few cities and fishing villages developed along coastal areas, few permanent settlements developed further inland.

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In Japan, allotment gardens for use by the public have been developed as a means of revitalizing unused agricultural land. Compared with allotment gardens in Europe, their significance in urban planning or welfare services is not clear. For the development of allotment gardens in Japan, a stable supply of agricultural land and a steady demand from the public are essential. This paper analyzes the present condition of Japanese allotment gardens from the viewpoint of the management of such gardens and the needs of their users, with special reference to the Minuma Fureai Garden in Kawaguchi City, Saitama prefecture. The results can be summarized as follows:
1) The management of the Minuma Fureai Garden is entrusted to an agricultural cooperative, but all of the expenses for its establishment are paid for by local government. The operation cost exceeds the annual income from user's fees (15, 000 Yen per person per year), and subsidies from the municipality make up 18% of the total income.
2) This allotment garden is located in the southern part of the Minuma paddy field, where the transformation of agricultural land is prohibited by law in order to maintain its function as a reservoir to mitigate flooding. This regulation for land use is very important, for it keeps the rent very low.
3) A recent deregulation of this rule concerning land use could threaten the existence of the allotment garden. However, according to cost-benefit analysis, the benefits exceed the costs if the external economies of the allotment garden are evaluated in monetary terms. It is necessary to discuss what type of government intervention should take place and the possible introduction of a beneficiary payment system in the future.
4) According to a questionnaire survey of the users of the Minuma Fureai Garden, 70% of the users are over 50 years old. It is believed that people who have had agricultural experience tend to use the allotment garden more frequently. However, half of the users had no previous agricultural experience.
5) Users were divided into three categories based on their motivation; a communication-oriented group, a family-leisure group, and an individual hobby group.
6) Users who re-applied to use the allotment garden again after the one-year contract expired equal 60% of the whole. However, this figure varies depending on the distance from place of residence to the allotment garden.
7) Most of the users hope to continue to use the same plot for many years and this contributes to the maintenance of the agricultural land. There are also strong demands for the improvement of facilities such as providing a rest room in the allotment garden. It is very important to satisfy these demands in order to continue to attract the public to use the allotment gardens in the future.

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Ports have played an important role in trade as part of the modernization process following the Meiji restoration. However, little research has been conducted on how local politics and private capital interact in port construction. This paper therefore focuses on Wakayama Port in order to study this interaction process.
In Wakayama Port (Aogishi Port), the deposition of sands was a major problem, and users have been requesting improvements since the Meiji era. Furthermore, speculation from political parties and sources of private capital actively promoted alternative port construction plans for Aogishi Port. In such developments, there was much to gain in terms of influence and profit. The Nankai Railway was affiliated with the non-Seiyuukai group of the Wakayama City Council and promoted the Oura Port construction in the Taisho era. On the other hand, the Keihan Electric Railway supported the Seiyuukai political party, who proposed the Kemi Port construction. In 1922, the Wakayama Chikkou Kiseikai was formed to solve the port construction problems. However, because of political and capital conflict within the organization, neither the Oura nor the Kemi projects were completed.
The Aogishi Port construction, which accompanied the Kinokawa repair work, was decided in the latter half of the 1920s. However, the problem of subsidizing the construction was prolonged, and Wakayama Prefecture, which had a shortage of funds due to the recession, planned to inject private capital. The governor of the Minseitou political party demanded the participation of the Nankai Railway, which had supported Minseitou. On the other hand, to protect the Hanwa Electric Railway, which the Keihan Electric Railway had helped capitalize, the Seiyuukai opposed Minseitou's plans. In the end, the participation of the Nankai Railway was approved, and the Wakayama Port construction work was started in March 1932.
However, after the work had begun, it soon faced financial difficulties. The lack of funds for restoration work after the Muroto typhoon struck in September 1934 was a major problem. Moreover, after the 1930s, regional development was promoted by city planning and the readjustment of town lots which had an impact on port construction work. In addition, the Sumitomo Metal Industries factory, which manufactured munitions, was attracted by Wakayama Prefecture in 1940. The capital dependence on the Nankai Railway became strong due to economic rather than political reasons because these plans were not negatively affected, and the Nankai Railway again donated additional contributions.
As mentioned above, Wakayama Port construction was always controlled by the logic of the region. Furthermore, it was achieved by the initiative of the Minseitou, which afterwards largely relied on capital help for port construction work from the Nankai Railway. That is, the Nankai Railway played not only the role of main user of Wakayama Port but also that of its main investor.

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