This research examines the developing process of farming on reclaimed land as seen from the changing farming conditions of each settler in the context of national land reclamation which took place after the Second World War when agricultural production was increasing.
As a case study, research was undertaken on the background of the reclaimed land from Lake Dainakanoko, which is situated on the eastern shore of Lake Biwa, Shiga Prefecture. In this reclaimed land, settlement started in 1966 and three rural villages (northern, western and southern) were formed over the course of two years, and a total of 216 farm households were settled. Under the active guidance of the Agricultural Cooperative, farming was developed based on a cooperative system using eight households per unit.
The results are as follows: 1) The developing process of farming over the past 30 years can be divided into 3 periods-commencement of farming, change in farming and settlement of farming; 2) The farming conditions of settlers gradually diversified over these 3 periods. In the 1st period, 216 settlers started out under the same conditions of cultivable land (an area of 4 ha), mainly cultivating rice with very few other types of crops. In the 2nd period -the changing stage of farming-conditions could be classified into various types: some raised vegetables outdoors or in greenhouses, some cultivated rice, some raised livestock and others became daily farmers. In the 3rd period, conditions became stable and flower-growing was added to those of the 2nd period. In addition, regional differentiation was found among the northern village (vegetables and flowers), western village (vegetables, animal husbandry and abandonment of farming) and southern village (animal husbandry and vegetables) of Dainakanoko Reclaimed Land; 3) The native places of the settlers and the unit-based cooperative system had the largest influence on the differentiation of farming among the settlers.
As the result, the following can be considered regional characteristics of the developing farming process of Dainakanoko Reclaimed Land, in comparison with Nabeta Reclaimed Land, which is in the suburbs of Nagoya City. First, the settlers of Dainakako Reclaimed Land were able to equip themselves with large farm machines and horticultural facilities through the careful agricultural policies of the national and Prefectural government. Second, the cooperative system of farming created a large scale of farm management among the settlers, many of whom were natives who came from the district.

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After the latter half of the seventeenth century, the Tokugawa government promoted a policy of land development designed to raise agricultural productivity nation-wide. This resulted in a phenomenal increase in boundary disputes in local areas where various classes of peasants claimed their right to the village commons according to the degree of growing demand for land development. During these disputes over peasants' claims to utilization and the division of boundaries in the village commons, both the rulers and the villagers tried to survey and draw maps of the land in terms of their own territorial interest. To this day, a significant number of official and draft maps made from these territorial claims have survived and have contributed to the investigation of indigenous techniques of local land surveying and subsequent map-making among peasant societies in early modern Japan. In most of the traditional villages at the foot of the northern mountains of Osaka Municipal Prefecture, various kinds and sizes of pictorial and surveyed maps as well as surveying notes and related materials have survived.
The main purpose of this paper is to show the close relationship between map-making and indigenous techniques of land surveys adopted in peasant societies at the middle stage of the Tokugawa feudal regime. This is done via an examination of eighteenth century official and draft maps by villagers as well as surveying notes by which indigenous cartographic devices in early modern Japan can be discerned. First, indigenous surveying methods and tools used to measure distance and direction on the mountain slopes with reference to the surveying notes and other documents are discussed. The cartographic devices which project the distance on the slope onto the horizontal second dimension as map-space with certain geometrical transformational rules are also investigated.
The results can be summarised as follows: 1) The indigenous land surveying system in early modern Japan has been traditionally called "mawari-kenchi", or literally "land survey of the boundaries all around the land concerned". "Mawari-kenchi" was carried out in the following manner. First, the rulers and the peasants would measure visible distance from a certain measuring point to the next with measuring ropes. Next, they would establish the direction between them with a compass. After that, they would correct the residual distance left over from surveying the vertical elevation and horizontal distance. Then they would change the scale of distance and area and make a reduced drawing on the basis of the data, and, finally, they would calculate the area of the reduced map.
2) As far as the degree of precision of distance and area delineated on the official maps is concerned, the maps in question are reasonably accurate compared with modern surveyed maps. This tells us that local villagers possessed sophisticated cartographic devices to project the horizontal elevation to the vertical dimension with quite precise transformational rules. The compass they used in land surveying also had the capability of measuring angles to an accuracy of three degrees.
3) Both official and draft maps were classified into four categories according to the grade of the slope, from 0 to 9, 10 to 19, 20 to 29 and more than 29 degrees.
4) "Mawari-kenchi", which used indigenous cartographic devices of considerable precision both in land surveying and in map-making, was gradually adopted nation-wide to meet the growing demands for territorial claims and boundary disputes from around the mid-eighteenth century.

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This paper is a review of Himalayan studies from the 1950s. The author's main concern is with the ecological analysis of people-environment relations at the local or micro scale, and the description of human geo-ecological history of the Himalayas at the macro scale.
Modern Himalayan studies began in the 1950s with the opening up of mountaineering and tourism in Nepal. Until now, Nepal studies have been the center of Himalayan studies. Earlier important contributions, mainly by ethnologists, geologists, and geographers appeared in the 1950s and 1960s. Hindu-tribal relations and the Hinduization process were main concerns at this stage for most social scientists. Ecological or people-environment studies have greatly increased in the 1970s in accordance with the growing international interest in environmental issues. Though research trends after 1980 are various, the following three aspects are especially important. 1: The comparative study of Alps-Andes-Himalayan high mountains; 2: Ecological or environmental studies related to Erik Eckholm's Himalayan environmental degradation theory; 3: Socio-political studies to explain why Nepalese or Indian Himalayan people suffer from development stagnation or environmental degradation. One other important trend related to this last point is the emergence of Bhutan studies.
Though the Himalayas possesses an "anti-area" character, and its definition as a cultural area is still vague, we can see similarity or unity based on ecological conditions beyond the cultural or socio-political difference between Himalayan sections. Carl Troll's three-dimensional and multi-scale perspectives of Himalayan flora are also applicable in our area study for considering important future research themes. An emphasis on verticality (vertical zonation or vertical organization) and the popular cognition frame of the Himalayas as an Indo-Tibetan interface in the past seems to be valid since those perspectives can explain verticality and latitudinality (south to north effect) simultaneously. However, the climatic effect of landforms must be paid more attention in detailed comparative studies of verticality at the micro or meso scale. Cooperation with agriculturists will be oneway of participating in discussions of sustainable development in order to avoid inappropriate typologies of vertical organization or transhumance.
Though discussion and knowledge on longitudinality (west to east effect) is almost nonexistent, studies in Bhutan, where ethnic, cultural, social, environmental, political conditions are totally different from Nepal, must be utilized for the discussion on longitudinality. The process of Hinduization or Nepalization which spread through the lower Himalayan foothills from west to east within the last few centuries must be studied as a comprehensive process in which immigration, environmental degradation, and socio-political conflicts eventuated. The other remarkable historical immigration flow seen in the Himalayas was that of Tibetans or Tibet-Burmese from north to south or from east to west until the 17th century. By combining both comprehensive processes, we might attain areal image of history of the Himalayan area.
Most Japanese human geographers pay little attention to ecological studies. However, we need to appreciate the great contributions made in this field by western cultural anthropologists and geo-ecologists.

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This paper is an exploration of the relationship between the development of mountain tourism and the activities of mountain farmers in Fiss village, Tyrol, in Austria.
In 1998, 38 million tourists stayed in Tyrol, which represented 35 percent for the whole country. Recently, the areas where mountain tourism has been developed to a high degree are Landeck and southern Imst in the southwest of Tyrol. Tourists come to commune with nature. The tranquillity and beauty of the area are what draw them there. It is their hope that the natural environment is not destroyed by the excessive development of tourism. A survey of four farmers in the village of Fiss showed that, in 1997, the EU and the Austrian state paid an average of 83 thousand shillings in the form of direct compensation. That is to say, 7, 400 shillings were paid per cow.
To improve the economic structure of the Alpine villages it is essential that farmers make the best use of such direct compensation for mountain farming. With the preservation of the natural environment, both mountain farming and tourism can prosper.

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