Fourty-two 2nd-grader children were given individually 7 tasks concerning the conservation of area. Fifteen of them showed less than 2 (included) correct responses and only these Ss received a training; the central part of its curriculum was Smedslund's “practice in conflict situations without external reinforcement”, which required S to compare the areas of two figures one of which was deformed and to add a piece to the ‘perceptually’ smaller one or to subtract it from the larger. This practice was expected to induce cognitive conflict between perceptual and addition subtraction (A-S) cues; the reduction of conflict would lead S to the state of complete disregard of the irrelevant perceptual cues (i.e. conservation). In the course of training, however, some Ss did not respond correctly to conflict situations unless a number of pieces were added or taken away, because the A-S cue was so easily dominated by the perceptual one that little conceptual conflict was aroused. This was the more often case when a child judged the area of a figure only by its vertical or horizontal length. In other words, he could not differentiate area from other geometrical properties. Then, an auxiliary learning step was inserted in order to give S practices of comparing the areas of two figures by direct superposition or in terms of the number of unit figures. In these practices any error a child committed was corrected. After S was sure to make correct responses in the auxiliary step, he was again put to conflict situations. Thus 6 out of 15 Ss changed their mode of response from nonconservation at the beginning of the training to the state of conservation. Five of them were able to apply the principle of conservation, acquired through experience with transformations of area with a discernible unit measure, to irregular sub-division and, with some suggestions to displaced area as well. These Ss showed a marked progress in a posttest administered a week later, although only one of them conserved area for all the tasks. Five out of the remaining 9 Ss were considered to belong to the intermediary stage of area conservation at the pretest and they responded correctly to nearly all the questions in the training session, although 2 of them occasionally made an incorrect response or could not say an adequate reason. This might be due to the fact that i) while, in the pretest, itemss were arranged from the more difficult to easier, items in the training session were arranged in a reversed order; ii) the child at the intermediary stage would experience conceptual conflict in the pretest: itself. Thus “equilibration” was initiated for them during the test session. Four of them were the conservers to all of the questions at the posttest. Still other 4 children responded to each question correctly in the training, although they had shown no conservation response in the pretest. Two of them, however, turned back to the nonconservation stage in the posttest. The reason for their response fluctuation was difficult to find.
The purpose of this report is (I) to factor-analyze the structure of concept “on”, from the data obtained in our previous survey, and (II) to examine the customs (not abstract ideas) based on “on” or “giri”. (I) Method. Three factors were extracted from the correlation matrix of attributes of “on”, for each of the three groups, (i.e, younger males, younger females, and older people. Results. Factor matrices are shown in Table 1. For younger males, factor i represents a conflict between affective area (true love, gratitude) and social and political area (mutual dependence, social coercion, etc), factor ii represents the conflict between economic area (benefit, etc) and rational area (voluntariness, obligation), while factor iii represents the conflict between economic area and political power area (traditional, authoritalian, etc). Correspondence among the three groups ranged 0.5-0.6. Although “taimen” or appearances, indebtedness, or fictitious love were regarded as essential attributes of “on” by Benedict, Fukuba, and Kawashima, these are no longer essential for the concept “on”. In present day Japan, “on” has more rational elements in it, and functions as a lubricating oil of community, whereas “giri” is still regarded as a feudalistic human relation, and tends to disappear. (II) Survey of customs based on “on” or “giri”. Method. Enquêtes concerning “Chugen” or summer gift, “Seibo” or year-end present, New year cards, etc. were distributed, sometimes supplemented by interviews. Ss were male and female adults living in Tokyo, two farming villages (Shizuoka and Hiroshima), and a fisherman's island (Hiroshima), totaling 464. Results. (1) Urban people regard these customs as a chance to express their gratitude, affective indebtedness, etc., but rural people (especially those in fishery) regard them as a duty based on “universal humanism”, not necessarily specific in their own community. (2) Importance of human relation (3) main family-branch family, (5) boss-henchman, (8) master-servants, (9) guild master-apprentice, shows fairly marked urban-rural difference. Of course, urban people do not feel them seriously, but rural people feel them considerably. Most important relations in three districts are (1) parent-child, and (4) ancestor-descendant. Conclusion. Differences due to generations and districts indicate that for present day Japanese people, the concept “on” tends to lose its traditional meaning and change to a more rational moral standard based on universality of human nature, inner conscience, sense of obligation, etc.
This paper (1) proposes a new method for studying attitude by revised application of a series of statistico-mathematical models, i.e. the “Quantification Theory” which were developed by Guttman, L, and Hayashi, C.; (2) presents an empirical des-cripiton of the structure of political attitude and the pattern of political behavior of the Japanese based on the new method; and (3) tests the various kinds of models that have been proposed so far on the structure of political and social attitude. Of these models, a great many tend to be either subjective or speculative in their methodology. On the other hand, are usually based on a measurement developed through factor analysis. In an attempt not only to avoid subjectiveness or speculativeness, but also to revise many of the theoretical deficiencies in factor analysis, the present paper applied “Quantification Theory” to structural models of political attitude. As a result, a description was made concerning both the structure of politcal attitude and the pattern of political behavior. Method: Subjects: Electorate of both sexes over 20 years of age. Sample size: 800 subjects, Tokyo (23 wards), and 840 subjects, Chiba City, Chiba Prefecture. Questionnaires: A total of 44 items are included which are to be broken down as follows: (1) Political behavior (7 items) (2) Political attitude (25 items) (3) Social attitude (4 items) (4) Demographic information (8 items) Procedures: (1) The subjects were interviewed individually and answered to the questionnaires that were given orally. (2) To meet the limitation of the computor capacity, 29 items were selected out of the aforementioned 44 items on the basis of the significance of the items, which ranged over 100 categories. Calculation was made through Guttman-Hayashi multidimensional quantification method. Result: Three dimensional vectors were allocated to each of these categories (Table 1 and 2). For the cluster of items on the “party identification” the regressions of the metric component weights, the second component weights, and the third component weights on content percentile (direction of party identification) showed monotonic, U-shaped and N-shaped curves (Fig. 5, Fig. 6 and Fig. 7). Disscussion: The above results lead the author to make the following interpretations. 1. The structure of the political attitude of the Japanese is to be observed most efficiently in terms of the three basic dimensions; (1) Progressive vs. Conservative (Direction), (2) Indifferent vs. Interested (Indifferency), and (3) Progressive Critical vs. Conservative Critical (Stability). 2. The “content”, “intensity” and “closure” are both mathematically (theoretically) and psychologically (empirically) identified by Guttman, L. as basic functions of the attitude when clusters of items are perfectly scalable. The present study successfully extacted the same three basic functions by applying newly proposed methodology despite the fact that not all theitems were scalable. Furthermore, it was assumed that the above three basic dimensions, i.e., (1) Progressive vs. Conservative, (2) Indifferent vs. Interested, and (3) Progressive Critical vs. Conservative Critical, are themselves the basic functions of attitudes in the area of “party indentification”. In other words, they are “content”, “intensity” and “closure” in the field of “party identification”. In the subsequent discussions, an attempt will be made to describe and consider, by applying the above three basic dimensions, a pattern of specific political behavior and a structure of political attitude.
The main purpose of this study is to find out how the natural transition of reference groups occurs in female adolescence, and what are the determinants in such a transition. A trend analysis and panel study were made concerning the transition of reference groups on the basis of responses to the reference group checklist, which were obtained from 152 students of the Fukuoka Jo-gakuin Girls (Junior High and Senior High) School. They were first tested in November, 1959, when they were first-year junior high students, and second in February, 1965, or six years later. The reference group checklist was designed in order to determine what reference groups are chosen by each individual in a critical situation where she must make a decision as to whether becomes a Christian. Out of school authorities, parents, intimate friends, classmates (as a total), teachers, church members and all the rest, Ss were required to choose their four most significant ones, to form six-pairs by combining the four and to state to which group's (or individual's) expectation or norm they would attach the greatest importance, supposing they were faced with the decision as to whether they become Christians or not. A group chosen once was given one point and, therefore, the highest possible score one group could have was 3 and the lowest 0. The group which obtained 3 points was referred to as the “first refer ence group” (called RG 1 for short), one which obtained 2 points as the “second refer ence group” (RG 2), and one which obtained 1 point as the “third reference group” (RG 3) for a given individual respectively. The intensity of the normative function a group has on an individual also followed the same scoring method. The results of trend analysis mainly based on the group reference indices (RG 1) which appear in Table 1 and Fig. 1 were as follows: 1. When S was J1 (1 st year-junior high), the choice of reference groups showed a trend toward parents, while when she was S3 (3 rd-year senior high) this trend waned, and gave way to that toward diversity. However, a relatively large number of Ss retained their identification with parents even when they were S3, probably because they were female. 2. Their choice of parents ranked first when they were J1 and S3, but this trend gradually decreased. 3. Their choice of school authorities and classmates also showed a drastic downward trend, while their choice of intimate friends, teachers, church members and all the rest increased; particularly the increase of intimate friends and church members was striking. 4. From the results of this trend analysis based on the “reference transition index” (RTI for short) in Table 2-2, Fig. 2 and Fig. 3, it follows that the transition of reference groups in female adolescence is charaterized by the emergence away from reliance on parents toward peer-group and away from the more secondary formal group of school authorities and classmates toward the informal face-to-face groups around their school life. Generally speaking, as the frame of reference of individual social attitudes, the function of thier family group is considerably strong in the early stage of adolescence and becomes relatively weak in the middle stage, while the function of primary face-to-face groups, particularly that of intimate friends, increase considerably. As a result of panel study based on Table 2-2 and Fig. 2, it was found that the transition of reference groups in female adolescence can be divided into two types of pattern; the first pattern may be called the “continued family group reference” type which is one shown by those groups who chose their parents or church members when they were J1; the second pattern may be called the “peer group-oriented” type which is