It has gradually been recognized that the juvenile should be treated differently from the adult in the criminal justice system. This recognition gave birth to juvenile court movement at the beginning of 20th century. Juvenile court and juvenile law made substancial, not only normative, solutions possible to the problems of juveniles involved in the criminal justice system. But these innovations have been accompanied with negative phenomena, for example expanded interventions by the state powers. In Japan, juvenile law achieved the standard of the world relating juvenile laws by the enactment of the present law in 1948. Family court has juris diction over juvenile cases. The court attempts to solve juvenile problems individually and substancially. It proposes policies in such fields of education, child welfare, police and public prosecution. It has assistant organs of its own, which are agents called investigators of family court. Activities of family court investigators to enhance welfare of children and juveniles is called "judicial welfare." The concept of "judicial welfare" demands scientific ability of the staff who apply the juvenile law. On the other hand, an objective of judicial "welfare" appeals to competent persons who have scientific ability. Secondly ability of fact-finding is necessary for "judicial welfare." Satisfaction of the abovementioned conditions will combine judicial functions with the functions of welfare of juvenile justice, and will upgrade the juvenile justice on to the higher level.

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It is said that poverty, disease and delinquency are the three main objects of social welfare. Actually, poverty and disease are the issues covered by the public support under the applications of the Daily Life Protection Law and other related welfare laws. As for delinquency, the purpose of Juvenile Law is not to punish the juvenile delinquents but to reform them with their own mental and physical capacity. As one of the educational measures, Juvenile Law establishes Homes for Juvenile Training and Education and Protective Facility, both as child welfare agencies, and provides procedures which relate with the Child Welfare Law and other laws relating with child welfare. Originally speaking, it has been said that the existing juvenile law has dual aspects. The aspect of the Criminal Special Law, and the aspect of Social Welfare Law which is similar to the Child Welfare Law. As a practical question, however, when we are asked whether the delinquency is given the legitimate position as a target of welfare only, we can not give native, affirmative answer. In recent years in particular, the controversy relating to the introduction of the due process of law to more guarantee the human rights as a stated objective, has more emphasized the character of the Juvenile Law as the Criminal Special Law, and has degraded the other characters as a welfare law. After all, it is a problem from which aspect and how we look at juvenile delinquency. In this monograph, the writer defined delinquency as one of the social pathological phenomena, and at first confirmed that delinquency is in the range of the subjects of social welfare through the welfare approach to the phenomena. Then, he identified the social causal factors which drive teenagers into delinquency through the welfare approach to the causes of delinquency, and lastly evidenced how necessary and effective the social welfare approaches are in preventing juvenile delinquency, and in the sound upbringing of juveniles and children.

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Nowadays, there have occurred so much violence in schools. Why do such violent cases occur in schools, places to educate the youth and the children? We want to approach to the problem from the perspective of educational pathology. We think there are educational problems in three levels: First, the conditions in the society which exert adverse effects on schools; second, the problems in schools affected by the social conditions; third, pupils' deviant behaviors resulting from the problems in schools. The first pathology is found in the general trends of the society to seek higher academic career. The second pathology is the problems existing in schools, such as the drawbacks of too much intellectual training, the problems which accompany the entrance examination systems to higher schools, and the non-educational relationships between teachers and pupils. The third is such deviant behaviors as pupils' dislike for study, refusal to go to school, truancy, and violence in schools. Thus, the first is causal pathology in education, the second is the results of the first pathology and causal pathology as well, and the third is the resultant pathology. Since violent cases in schools may be due to problematic tendencies in the society and to the pathological problems in schools, it is necessary to reexamine how to more successfully educate pupils in schools.

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More than 80 years have passed since Paul von Lilienfeld, a Russian sociologist, published "La Pathologie Sociale" in 1896. He defined social Pathology as a science where "We study social abnormality inductively." His definition has traditionally been the key point of view of the Social Pathology. Social Pathology had flourished in America, not in Europe, and had to a great degree been conducive to the studies of social problems, such as crime and delinquency, suicide, divorce, etc. But the term Social Pathology was replaced by the term Deviant Behavior in American sociology, because of its etymology that Social Pathology was based on outdated Social Organism, the ambiguity of the concept, the theoretical weakness, etc. I do not admit any positive meaning in that change of the term. In Japan, it seems to me that Social Pathology has got firm status both in the academic world and in the journalism, and has been expected to contribute to the explanations of a variety of social problem, especially in modern societies. But it is not enough for Social Pathology to be based only on the view point of social abnormality (or deviance). Social abnormality is almost always connected with social dysfunction which is more essential to social problems. Therefore, we have to study social problems from both points of view - social abnormality and social dysfunction. That is why I bring forward "Social Pathology as a Means."

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This report is one of the attempts to organize a working hypothesis on the knowledge of the criminal behavior. The crime phenomenon is the socio-cultural phenomenon. The conception of crime is rather relative. There are differences in the concept of crime depending upon the time and the customs of the given community and society. All of Eenders are persons. There are no differences between a criminal behavior and a normal person's behavior from biological points of view. The criminal behavior is an unlawful act and violates the customs of the normal life. There are two factors in the control of criminal behaviors. The first are the directive factors which enfeeble self-control. The second are the indirective factors which enfeeble social control. The former factors are induced by the inherited and acquired physiological handicaps and physical diseases, etc. The latter factors consist of the pathological societies, defects in the economic orders, community disorganization, changing customs and group conflicts, inadequate educational activities, etc. Causes of crime are very complicated. The criminal behavior results from the interactions between the particular constituted personality and the particular environment. Causes of crime are within the scope of the individual consciousness. In other words, it is the matter of his self-control when he behaves. It is not until the judge labels his act as a crime that he becomes an offender. The judgement of the court decides whether he becomes an offender or not.

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Strain theory (anomie theory) and deviant subculture theory are both motivational theory in the sense that both theories focus on the formation of motivation (or inclination) toward deviance in explaining the causes of deviant behaviors. In contrast, control theory, which has been developed as control theory of delinquency by Briar and Pilliavin, and Hirschi, and as deterrence theory by Tittle and Gibbs, among others, explains deviant behaviors by the lack of control. An individual's internal control over his inclinations toward deviance can be conceptualled as his normative reference relationships with others. Employing Kelman's typology of interpersonal influence, Schmitt presents three types of normative reference relationships: compliance normative reference relationship, identification normative reference relationship, and internalization normative reference relationship. All three types of relationships are relevant to the explanations of an individual's internal control process. Compliance occurs when an individual percieves other's possible rewards and sanctions (punishments) significant and conforms to others' normative opinions. Identification occurs when he percieves a "self-defining" relationship with others as desirable and accepts other's normative opinions. Internalization occurs when he integrates other's normative opinions into his own value system. This paper describes internal control mechanism and contingencies of the control for each type of the relationships. Then, the basic proposition of control theory is refotmulated as follows: the more (any or all types) of normative reference relationships an individual has with others, and the larger the strength of the relationship(s) is, the less he is likely to deviate from the others' behavioral standards. Finally, the paper briefly discusses cultural and socio-structural factors which influence the formation and maintenance of the three types of control, and, also presents an attempt to apply the typology of the control to differential association theory.

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Today, criminology and sociological criminology in our country pay attention to "labeling approach" as a new perspective. Some of the so-called "traditional (main-stream, conservative)" criminologists are susceptible to this approach, probably because it is not yet a theory but a scientific perspective. Labeling approach has been introduced into Japan mainly with the analysis of its appearance in U. S. A, but infact labeling approach has been discussed in the West Germany as extensively as in U. S. A. Since Fritz Sack adovocated new perspective in the W-Germany in 1968, K. D. Opp, G. Kaiser and other theorists have disputed about this approach. Some have supported it and others have had more critical views. AJK (Arbeitskreis Junger Kriminologen) has frequently held symposiums in Bielefeld which attracted many young criminologists. These circumstances and the related information are in the "Kriminologisches Journal", which is the organ of AJK. Now, the obiect of this paper is to present a biblio-graphical bird's-eye view of how the labeling approach has developed in the West Germany and how it has influenced traditional criminology. Therefore, this paper cites and introduces a number of works. In conclusion, this sketch I hope gives us the full picture of labeling approach arid labeling studies in the West Germany. Nevertheless, I fear that this paper does not discuss individual problems (about police, procecution and the court etc.) to the full. We must note the efforts of researches and studies about "Sozial-Kontrolle-Instanz" and dark number studies there. In Japan, we will have to more study how the process of criminalization is in the series of our criminal justice systems and how "Selektive Sanktion" is secured.

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This article reports on the relationship between juvenile delinquency and the family in which both husband and wife work. It is written from the working mothers' points of view. There have been varied arguments presented about this problem since 1965 or so. In our country, the number of working women has increased rapidly in these years. At the same time, a number of children found new forms of independence and frequntly got into trouble. It was then claimed that the increasing number of married women in the labour force had contributed to the increase of juvenile delinquency. This view originated from the following two view points. The first point is the prevailing maxim of "Children First" and another is the traditional ideology of Japanese women's sexual roles. These basic view points must be reconsidered when we discuss the relationships between juvenile delinquency and working mothers. In recent yeard, married women's occupational brackets have graduately changed from non-professional to more professional ones. Here we classify working mothers into three types: Mothers Working for economic reasons, mothers working to enjoy their leisure activities and to purchase more luxury, and mothers working in professions. Formerly, the first type was perceived as more important in relation to juvenile delinquency. Recently, however, the second and the third types of working mothers have become more important than ever. This is because of the fact that, there is not such strong relationships between juvenile delinquency and poverty in the present society. The second and the third types of working mothers can quit their jobs. In other words,from the economic points of view, these working mothers can stop their occupations if they want to. Therefore, when the public opinion claims that working mothers are the main causal factor of juvenile delinquency, they have to face the question of "to continue or not to continue my work ?" This article criticizes this public opinion and at the same time points out that working mothers are not the causes of juvenile delinquency by referring to foreign research studies. Instead, the fathers' attitudes toward their wives and children and the family conflicts are the sources of juvenile delinquency. Thus, this paper intends to conclude that increasing juvenile delinquency depends on the father's role in the family in which husband and wife both work.

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