Under the theme of the impact of law enforcement efforts on Methamphetamine epidemic in Japan, "Philopon age" (1945〜1955) - Philopon is one of the brand names of methamphetamine in that period - and "Shabu age" (1970〜today) - Shabu is a slang for stimulants - were analysed. On the analysis of "Philopon age", Law enforcement efforts, which became stricter gradually with the impositions of the Drug, Cosmetics and Medical Instrument Law (1948), the Stimulant Drug Control Law (1951) and partially amended Stimulant Drug Control Law (1954, 1955), were traced and those impacts on users were considered. After this, Brill, H. and Hirose, T. (1971)'s hypotheses on drug epidemic were discussed on the basis of plesent data. On the today's "Shabu epidemic", this paper analysed illicit stimulant distribution systems and discussed the dealer's responses to the threat of arrest and imprisonment under the strong police pressure. The structure of the systems and the dealers' behavior in Japan were very similar to those of New York described by Moore, M. H. (1977) with the exception of some indications, that were centralization at high levels in the distribution system, preferences for socially disorganized areas and corruption of enforcement agencies to purchase indulgence for acts.

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This report is an analysis of the statistical data and a case study on stimulant drug offences committed by juvenjils. From analysis of the statistical data on the stimulant drug cases referred to Tokyo Family Court, and from the case study of two juveniles who habitually used stimulant drugs, following characteristics were found among these juveniles. 1. They can not control effectively their passion, and 2. They are socially imnature. There is a problem of parents-children behind these characteristics. Because of this problem, these juveniles have difficulties at school and at their working places. It is evident that the habitual usage of the drugs brought about keeping irregular hours which was a cause to quit school and a job. It was also proved that the drug abuse triggered bad companionship such as members of gangster groups and other addicts, and that drug abuse promoted escape from his real life for searching pleasure. Drug abuse offence has close relation with activities of gangster groups which have influence on the market and have intention to enlarge it. It is easily understood that juveniles who are curious about everything and can not control themselves can be victimized. Therefore, it is important to understand the drug problem not merely as a personal problem but also as a social problem.

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Nowadays, stimulant drug abuse is one of serious social problems in our country. This article reports on the treatment of stimulant drug addicts in a correctional institution on the basis of result of survey on their actual conditions. The prevalence of stimulant drug abuse in recent years is caused by (1) the fact that many addicts lack understanding on its bad effect, (2) that stimulant drug instantly gives addicts agreeable feeling, and (3) that the addict does not have crimirial feeling since it is a victimless crime. According to the result of the survey addicts were categorized into following three types. The first type: They had already committed another crimes before they abused the drug. And generally their criminality is high level. Most of them belong to a racketeers group. Treatment methods for first type are to arrange their company, to keep relationship with their family, and to make understanding about the bad effect of the drug. The second type: Most of them are drivers of bartenders. They abuse it for enduring all night work. Their crimiriality is not high, but their view on a job is biased. Treatment methodd for the second type are to give vocational training, to develop their regular habits, and to change their view on a job. The third type: They have had some troubles such as insolvency, unemployment, family complication and so on before they have abused. And they have lost their aspiration for life. Sometimes they don't know what to do. Consequently, they have abused the stimulant drug in order to look for some excitment. Treatment methods for third type are to arrange relationship with family, to notice that stimulant drug abuse is heavy crime, to rouse volition of work.

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Many probation officers feel that a stimulant addict case is a "hard-core". An addicts recidivism rate is very high and the appropriate rieasure of intervention is not developed yet. In this situation, the probation officer adopts the clinical model, in which treatment is based on an understanding of the nature of addicts' psychological needs. But, many researches have proved that there are little relation between stimulant abuse and personality traits of addicts. The stimulant addiction is rather a parasitic subcultural form of antisocial behavior and is the result of interaction with "YAKUZA-like" peer group. Therefore, they could be best understood through an examination of the interaction process. It was found that the addiction functions not only as a factor for personal disorganization of the clients but also brings about the social disorganhation as a result of their dysfunctionitigs in life: And their conditions of social and economic life are poor, hence they have little power to solve their disability by themselves. Therefore, the treatment must be organized for helping them to understand the mechanism of antisocial culture which has broken their life and to help them to overcome the present crisis. The obstacles for fulfilling the effective treatment are not limited to the abovementioned; i.e., the helping institution of probation agency has financial problems; many people pay little attention to it. In addition, there are institutional problems which have great influence on the effects of clinical intervention. They are, for example, a conflict between surveillance and helping, the vagueness of the treatment goal and the method of case supervision. In order to increase the effectiveness of probation work on stimulant addicts, the function of the institution must be reexamined.

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Der vorliegende Aufsatz besteht aus zwei Teilen: Im ersten Tei; versucht der Verfasser zu erklaren, warum man sich in den letzten lO Jahren in den westeuropaischen, insbesondere in den deutschsprachigen Landern, mit den Problemen der (Straf-) Gesetzgebung mit Hilfe der rechts- bzw. kriminal-soziologischen Analyse auseinandersetzt. Wegen der bestehenden Gesetzesflut (Herbert Schambeck) bzw. Gesetzesinflation (Karl Huber) ist es selbst fur Juristen schwer geworden, das Gesetzesgefuge als Ganzes zu uberschauen. Es bedarf hier der systematischen Erfassung des Gesetzesbestandes mit Hilfe der Rechtsinformatik (Jurgen Rodig). Angesichts der tatsachlichen Situation der Gesetzgebungsprozesse, d. h. der Gesetzesformulierung nicht von Seiten der Abgeordneten = Volksvertreter, sondem von Seiten der Staatselite in den Ministerien (von den hohen Beamten in den Verwaltungs-behorden) kann man die Krise der parlamentarischen Demokratie ahnen. Unter diesen Umstanden betreibt man das vergleichende Studium der auslandischen Gesetzgebungssysteme, namlich wie man sich in den einzelnen Landern um die Aufnahme der offentlichen Meinung in die Gesetzgebung bemuht. Hierzu verweist der Verfasser auf die vor kurzem erschienene diesbezugliche Literatur. Im zweiten Teil berichtet der Verfasser uber den gegenwdragen Stand der Mitwirkung von Rechts- bzw. Kriminalsoziologen in Japan bei dem Zustandekommen von Strafgesetzen, indem er auf Grund seiner bisherigen personlichen Erfahrungen als Mitglied in Reformkommissionen (Reform des Strafgesetzes: 1965〜1972; Reform des Jugendgesetzes: 1970〜1973; Reform des Strafvollzugsgesetzes: 1976〜1980) diese Problematik aufzeigt.

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The so-called Reischauer's Incident, in which Professor Edwin O. Reischauer, the then U. S. Ambassador, was attacked by a Japanese "schizo-pluenic" youth in 24 March 1964 accelerated the revision of Mental Health Act in Japan. The press insisted the importance of supervising mentally disordered persons. The Government tried to propose revision of the mental health law in order to maintain public peace under such circumstances. But the government faced the counter-action of the psychiatrists. Curiously enough, the press played the role of preventing the revision, by aiding the psychiatrist group in counter-acting against the Government. It was on 1 June 1965 that the revision of Mental Health Act was passed at the Congress through the deliberate consideration of the Committee of the Welfare Ministry. It can be said that the press had played the double edged role in the process of the revision of the Act. The aim of this essay is to describe and analyse the role of the press.

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"Sekinin" or "responsibility" seems to determine passive sanction or punishment. "Sekinin" has much influence on social control. When sociological, psychological and legal studies refer to "Sekinin", the words "Sekinin" are given certain definitions to be used as models for explanation. If comparison among these studies and ihter-disciplinary studies on "Sekinin" should be done, ideas expressed by the words "Sekinin" and these correlation must be examined. In this paper 206 usages of the word "Sekinin" collected from daily paper were examined. Three ideas expressed by the word "Sekinin" were found. These are: (a) "Sekinin" as "obligation" or "duty" ("Gimu"). (b) "Sekinin" as an idea to connect actor with action or consequence. ("Kiseki"). (c) "Sekinin" as "possibility of accusation" by which type and amount of saction are to be determained ("Toseki"). Further fundamentd and preparetory studies must be done to promote inter-disciplinary and comprehensive studies on "Sekinin".

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It is three years and a half since the Conservative Party came into power. During the election campaign of 1979 Mrs. Thatcher asserted that the strongest demand among people was for two things: less tax and more law and order. "Law and order" was raised as an important issue of the general election for the first time after World War II. But Thatcher's election viotory has not resulted in a restoration of law and order. The crime rate has been still increasing after the accession to power of the Conservative Party. There has also been an increasing number of reports of football hooliganism in the last three years. Furthermore it seems that the riots of 1981 in about thirty English cities have decisively exploded the assertions of the law and order campaign. But the institutional foundations of Thatcher's policy remain intact and unaltered. Since 1979 the Conservative Party has taken the major initiative especially in two fields of penal policy: capital punishment and juvenile justice. The main reasons for the re-introduction of bapital punishment are that the death penalty would be a deterrent to certain types of murderers and that it would help the police in carrying out their duties. The House of Commons, however, voted against restoring hanging, twice by a majority which was far higher than some people expected. The Conservative Government also published a white paper "Young Offenders" in October 1980. The white paper's main proposals are that detention centre orders should be shorter, and that youth custody should replace sentences of borstal training and imprisonment. But critics says that these changes might result in a considerable increase in the number of young offenders committed to custodial establishments. It should be noted that in response to Tory initiatives the right-wing criminology has become influential. The right-wing criminologists clim that the loss of established, dominant morality is the cause of social disorder in Britain and that the orderliness in socid life on a basis of morality and discipline must be reconstructed. It is interesting to know how new criminologists respond to such a situation. At the earher stage new criminologists did not seem to have an effective response to actual penal practice, because there were diversity of opinion as to the master theoretical foundation and internal contradictions. But it is recently stated that the new criminology has become more homogeneous. The current tendencies in the new criminology are as follows: First, the theoretical foundation in the new criminology is moving fiom labeling theory to Marxism. Second, the new criminology is exercising more effect upon sociology than upon criminology. Third, the new criminologist's interest in practical problems of criminal justice is growing. The new crimiriology's practical implications are, however, still unclear even now. That is to say, new criminologists have not yet proposed an established alternative plan to Thatcher's penal policy. Therefore it could be said that the new criminology has been put on to the defensive. Recently I. Taylor, co-author of "the New Criminology", mentioned that repetition of earlier idealistic versions of radical criminology is an inadequate and irresponsible response to the popular anxieties that exist on street crime and on contemporary behaviour of youth. According to his view, any new socialist criminology must be formed in a practical context: for example, the prison movement, the police, law enforcement and the women's movement. It is difficult to tell whether or not his proposals will have much influence on formulation of pend policy. But these proposals will create much discussion. It will also be interesting to see how the rightwing criminology and the remaining group in the new criminology will respond to Taylor's view.

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This study examines a relation between quality of a high-school and a delinquent tendency of the high-school students. Following hypotheses were examined. 1. In Japan there is a great difference in behavioural patterns and value orientations of students depending upon ranks of theh high-schools. It is tihs difference that actuany creates diffrences in problematic behaviour patterns of high-school students. 2. Prevailing delinquent culture in low-ranked high-schools fastens the delinquent tendendency of the students. Data of a survey project on high-school students in which I participated, were analysed for the study. The flowing results were obtained. 1. Many students of low-ranked high-schools do not tend to adapt themselves to thier school circumstance and they are not satisfied with educational policies of their schools. They are not interested in their school life. Instead, they enjoy themselves rather out of their schools. 2. The youth culture in which many students of low-ranked high-schools are interested are "game center" "motorcycles" "coffee shops" "drinkinhg" and so on. On the contrary, many students of high-ranked high-schools are interested ih "literature and philosophy" "traveling alone" and so on. 3. Classfication of inclination to youth culture by a multivariable analysis showed that students of low-ranked high-schools have an inclination to delinquent youth culture and that they are indifferent to the quest of their identity. The present entrance system of high-schools, in which students are selected automatically by accomplishment of junior high-schools, trigger many problems in the formation of delinquent youth culture. Therefore, it is required to improve the entrance system to high-schools.

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Compared to juvenile delinquents, status offenders tend to be given more protective measures such as probation and referral to a juvenile training school. This tendency is specifically conspicuous in female cases; i.e., although 6.8 percent of total female delinquents was put under protective measures in 1980, it was 44.4 percent in case of female status offenders. Comparison was made to find difference of characteristics between male and female status offenders. And also a hypothesis that different factors will contribute to giving protective measures to a boy and to a girl, was examined. The result showed that factors, such as age, parental status and age of first delinquency much more contribute to the selection of girls for protective measures. The most important factor for the selection of boys was "status", that is, a student, employed, or unemployed.

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