The purpose of this study is to review women’s rugby teams in the years before 1988, when the Japan Women’s Rugby Football Federation （J.W.R.F.） was created, and to elucidate the systematization process of women’s rugby in Japan.
　　Traditionally, it has been stated that the history of women’s rugby in Japan started in 1983. Previous studies showed that women’s teams were established in three cities, i.e., Tokyo, Nagoya and Matsusaka, in 1983. These three teams played matches in 1984, which are believed to be the first matches by women in Japan. On the other hand, it was also indicated that the mothers of children who attended rugby schools （RS） in Osaka and the Tohoku region played before 1983 （J.W.R.F.,2003）, although the details have been unknown.
　　In this paper, we consider the following two points:
1） Confirming the existence of women’s rugby teams established before 1988, and
2） Clarifying the women’s rugby teams established before 1982 including members of the teams, the reasons why the teams were established, details of their activities, and their views on rugby.
The results of this study are summarized as follows:
1） Twenty-six women’s rugby teams had already been established in Japan before 1988. Seven teams were established before 1982, five of which were in the Tohoku region. The study suggests that the earliest women’s rugby team established in Japan was a girls’ team that was created within the Osaka RS in 1968.
2） The women’s rugby teams established in the Tohoku region between 1979 and 1982 consisted of housewives, mostly mothers who sent their children to RSs. Some of the teams were set up at the recommendation of RS coaches. They played with RS children. The earliest rugby match between women in Japan took place in 1980 between the Shishiori and Onagawa teams. They played rugby to enjoy the sport, interact with one another and promote their health through rugby.
　　The women’s rugby teams established in the Tohoku region between 1979 and 1982, which are the focus of this paper, were “Mama’s teams”, where housewives, mainly mothers, enjoyed playing rugby as a recreational activity.

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The purpose of this study is to consider the preparation status of the Koa Kosei Taikai focusing on the trends of Osaka City, and to clarify the circumstances opening of the congress. Osaka, where Osaka Prefecture and Osaka City play a central role, was to host the 4th World Recreation Congress （WRC） and planned to show the outcome of its unique kosei efforts to the representatives of the countries participating in the 4th WRC. However, because Japan decided to cancel the 4th WRC due to the prolonged Shino-Japanese War, Osaka no longer had a role in participating in it. But, Osaka City started preparations for the Koa Kosei Taikai as an alternative to the 4th WRC. It intended to make the citizens aware of the function of the Kosei Undo that was a part of the Koa Kosei Taikai. It also planned to showcase the results of its efforts for the Kosei to Japan, and to hold“ a Mihonichi （Trade fair）” to attract foreign visitors. Osaka City played a central role in preparing for the Koa Kosei Taikai. For two and a half years, Masakazu Morishita, Kujuro Fujiwara, and Akira Miyama played the key role in preparations and worked in coordination with the Osaka City Health Department. During the preparation Osaka City collaborated with the Osaka-shi Kosei Kyokai and mobilized citizens for the Koa Kosei Taikai. In addition, Osaka City cooperated with each ward office and held Ku Kosei Taikais for about 5,000 to 10,000 people. However, two weeks before the opening, the representatives of other countries participating in the Koa Kosei Taikai were suddenly changed. At the Koa Kosei Taikai, as an alternative project to the 4th WRC planned by the Osaka City, three people from the World Recreation Congress, Kirby, Mantai, and Psetti, were scheduled to participate. Although, since September 27, 1940, when the Tripartite Pact of Japan, Germany, and Italy was signed, the three members had not participated one after another. Shortly thereafter, Nazi officials were elected to represent Germany and Fascist officials to represent Italy. The newspaper companies were the first international events to appeal for the conclusion of the Tripartite Pact of Japan, Germany, and Italy at the Koa Kosei Taikai and reported its national significance in a big way. However, it cannot be unequivocally concluded that the Koa Kosei Taikai was held under the national significance, clearly stated in the selection results of the German and Italian national teams and newspaper reports. In preparation for the Koa Kosei Taikai, Osaka City continued to take the lead with its own intentions and plans. Moreover, even five days before the opening, some involved people continued to regard the tournament as the first international event in Osaka City and an opportunity to appeal for the existence of the city to the world. It can be said that the Koa Kosei Taikai has begun as an event with a complex meaning that cannot be converged on the meaning of the nation.

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　　Three exhibitions the Japan Physical Education Association participated, 5th national industrial exhibition 1903, Tokyo industrial exhibition 1907 and Tokyo Taisho exhibition 1914, from the late Meiji era to the early Taisho era when the imperialism has gone ahead in Japan, were the trials in the appearance of entertainment tendency including colonial and show-like display becoming one tide at exhibitions after the Taisho era. On the basis of the above-mentioned trend in the exhibition, the purpose of this study is to clarify the aspect of promotion of national physical education through exhibitions from a point of view that the occasional thought about the promotion of national physical education in the international field of vision of The Japan Physical Education Association was concretized by concentrating power to both sides, “Traditional Japan display” and “Modern Japan display” to focus on display activities of them.
　　The points clarified in this study are as follows.
　　The Japan Physical Education Association attempted to promote national physical education concentrating power to “Traditional Japan display” at 5th national industrial exhibition and “Modern Japan display” at Tokyo industrial exhibition. Retardation of the preparation for “Modern Japan display” and one end of entertainment tendency on “Traditional Japan display” arose. Afterward, the fluctuation on the promotion of national physical education was exposed at Tokyo Taisho exhibition because The Japan Physical Education Association has concentrated power to entertained “Traditional Japan display” being the most basic objective by pulling in customers to plan the reconstruction of finance having gotten worse on the occasion of participation in exhibition. The Japan Physical education Association’s display activitiers, that concentrated power to both “Traditional Japan display” and “Modern Japan display” in turn at each exhibition, added show-like display gradually and fitted into the category of entertainment tendency at exhibition world in the end at Tokyo Taisho exhibition, however, colonial display wasn’t formed through three exhibitions.

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　　Die Gymnastikbewegung wurde durch “die Tagung fur kunstlerische Ko ¨rperschulung 1922“ stark zu entwickeln begonnen. Danach wurde der Erfolg der Bewegung vorlaufig in der “Deutschen Gymnastik“ 1935 zusammengefasst. U¨ber einen Anlass der Veranderung der darauffolgenden Gymnastik erwahnte H. Bernett, dass F. Hilker mit dem Begriff “Bewegungserziehung“ die padagogische Bedeutung und die Neuorientierung der Gymnastik im Kunstpadagogischen Kongress in Fulda 1949 gezeigt hatte. Die Gymnastikbewegung entwickelte sich weiter, erfullte danach in den 1960er Jahren ihre Aufgabe und war ausgereift. Jedoch in den 1970er Jahren teilte sich die Gymnastik in unterschiedliche Gruppen auf, unter dem starken Einfluss der Definitionsanderung, die in der Internationalen Arbeitstagung fur Terminologie der Leibesubungen （des Sports） 1963 gemacht wurde. In diesem chaotischen Zustand der Gymnastik waren mehrere Reformen, die erstmaligen seit der Gymnastikbewegung, geschehen. Die waren von H. J. Medau, W. Bode und A. Seybold u.a.. Im Besonderen bewertete Bernett die Reform Seybolds hoch. Und in den 1980er Jahren erschien “Gymnastik und Tanz“ als Buchtitel oder Kapiteluberschrift usw. in den praktischen Buchern und Anleitungbuchern der Gymnastik. Seybold entfaltete auch ihre Didaktik “Gymnastik und Tanz“ im Kapitel “Ubungsbereiche“ in “Sportunterricht in der Grundschule“.
　　Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit ist es zu klaren, wie Seybold uber den Begriff “Gymnastik und Tanz“ in dem Schulsport der 1980er Jahre dachte und wie sie ihn in der Sportstunde entwickelte. Dabei sollen die Schriften Seybolds usw. berucksichtigt werden.
　　In den 1970er Jahren entfernte sich Seybold von den verschiedenen Grundsatzen und Behauptungen, die aus der Gymnastikbewegung stammten, und auf der Basis der Sportpadagogik fasste sie die Schulgymnastik als Bewegungserziehung zusammen. Sie zielte durch die Schulgymnastik auf Bewegungsformung und Bewegungsgestaltung von Laufen, Hupfen und Springen. In den 1980er Jahren wurde in der Sportpadagogik auf viele Probleme hingewies en. In diesem Zustand behauptete Seybold nicht “das geschlossene Bewegungskonzept “, sondern “das offene Bewegungskonzept “, weil sie dachte, dass das erstere nur die bestimmte Fertigkeit effizient anstreben wollte und das letztere die gesamte Fahigkeit, vor allem Improvisations- und Gestaltungsfahigkeit, anstreben wollte. Damit entwickelte sie einen Teilbereich “Gymnastik und Tanz“ im Sportunterricht. Sie nahm “Laufen, Hupfen und Springen“, die im alltaglichen Leben und Tanz von Kindern schienen, als Lehr- und Lerngut auf. Sie unterrichtete “Finden － Uben － Variieren － Gestalten“ in Bewegung mit der großtmoglichen Nutzung der spielerischen, gymnastisch-tanzerischen und musikalischen Improvisationsaufgaben.
　　Damit konnte man sagen, dass das grundlegende Bewegungskonzept Seybolds, das sie in “ Gymnastik und Tan“z der 1980er Jahre entfaltete, eine gewisse Rolle fur die Losung der damaligen Schulsportprobleme spielte.

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