The purpose of this paper is to re-analyze reports from previous social inquiries conducted in various fields, in order to verify what became of the sports-related aspirations that were determined to have existed in Japan amongst working-class youth during the period of rapid economic growth (1950-1960). Because not many sports facilities existed yet at this time, when the financial earnings and amount of available free time were also significantly limited amongst young undereducated workers, their enjoyment of sports was thereby markedly restricted. While males in particular desired to be able to participate fully in sports, the reality was that they often did not have the means to do so during this time period. From the end of the 1960s and into the 1970s, however, the aforementioned obstacles to enjoying sports began to slowly be lifted.
　This paper will take up two different inquiries: 1) whether similar sports-related aspirations continued to prevail amongst young people in the following decade of the 1970s-1980s, and 2) how the working-class youth of the rapid economic growth period went on to subsequently incorporate the enjoyment of sports into their lives. With regard to the first question, the next generation of youth did indeed harbor the same desire to play sports during the 1970s-1980s, although with two significant differences. First, they also displayed interest in many other types of leisure activities in addition to sports, meaning that the practice of sports was not their strongest aspiration. Secondly, the sports that they desired to practice were of a different nature of those previously favored by youth during the preceding period of rapid economic growth.
　In response to the second question, the generation who came of age during the period of rapid economic growth appeared to decrease their participation in sports as they grew older. The type of sports that they practiced, and their purpose for doing so, also appeared to undergo a transformation with age. As they entered the periods of middle and older age, their engagement with sports revealed a wide range of lifestyle-related differences, as some regularly engaged in light exercise while others apparently practiced no sports-related activities whatsoever.

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　The purpose of this paper is to highlight the possibilities for historical sociology in sport sociology.
　This paper first reveals that historical sociology tends to strengthen theoretical recognition of modern society from the perspectives of predictability and social science. This is a characteristic of the attributes and position of historical sociology in the field of sociology as a whole. It is then shown that the characteristics of historical sociology in sport sociology are also influenced by the establishment of historical sociology in the field of sociology. Historical phenomena in sport tend to need “the theory of middle range” to characterize the modernity of sports in this area. The professionalization of sports, violence in sports, the invention of sporting traditions and cultural translation of sport have been raised as specific topics for research. This perspective of historical sociology is also applicable in reports on quantitive social investigations, the main method of sport sociology’s research.
　On the other hand, in order to go beyond the bounds of the problems posed in the study of modernity – the focus of historical sociology – and the sport’s recognition based on it, we must first define what the boundaries of this historical recognition are. This paper quotes Hirano [2005] and searches as far back as far as the epistemology of Greek philosophy, using “Plato’s banishment of poets” as a keyword, to find new possibilities for historical sociology to evoke new sociological imagination on this global issue. This has highlighted new significance and possibilities for historical sociology’s research in sport that includes play and games, media that surpass the range of conventional media-based sports research to include a perspective of humankind history. This is because it is sport itself that opens up new possibilities for historical sociology in sport sociology.

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　The purpose of this paper is to review Eliasian sport studies in Japan and to consider how these studies could benefit Japanese sport studies. Since the 1980s, Japanese sport sociologists and others have been trying to establish a new theoretical framework in order to deal with the growing diversity and complexity of sport in Japan. Elias has long been regarded as an important figure in the field of sport sociology, but most people have tended to focus on his “civilizing process”, “selfcontrol” and “violence” rather than on his sociological theory. His “civilizing process” concept which derived from his sociological methodology was an attempt to make a sociological break from the traditional dichotomy of structure-agency and epistemology. I would like to show how his theoretical framework for sport in the globalization process can be beneficial, taking into account Elias’s “sportization” and “open personality” from a theoretical point of view.

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　In this article we try to clarify the special features of Japanese Marxism studies on sport. To do so we compare Japanese Marxism studies with those in English-speaking countries, by analyzing a recent publication on Marxism sport studies edited by Carrington and McDonald. We will also provide a brief historical summary of Japanese Marxism Sport studies.
　We came to the following conclusions: First, Japanese Marxism studies seem to be more focused on sport topics themselves than on the need to tackle everyday issues in Japanese capitalist society from a practical viewpoint. Second, there have been a few social movements connected with sport which have had links with left-wing political parties like the Japanese Communist Party. In fact some of these social movements began as proletarian sport movements. These movements have affected Japanese Marxism studies and have even had a significant part to play in academic studies. That is to say, the social movements have helped to make academic studies more issue-oriented. This has led to improved co-operation between those involved with Marxism sport studies and others involved in sport, as well as with other academics.
　We suggest that there are some difficult obstacles, both theoretical and practical, facing Marxism sport studies.

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　Although Bourdieu had considerable interests in sports, he published only three articles on them. His works on Sociology of sports are not many, nor systematic. However, his influence on the sport studies is considerable in France.
　In this article, I examine the connection between Bourdieu and Sociology of sports. What Bourdieu questioned in sports is closely connected with his own sociology. His questions were concerned with the historical or social conditions of sports as well as the practice and the consumption of them. He dealt with the spaces of sports, too. These questions are related to such concepts as habitus, capital, field and social space. His colleagues, especially Pociello and Defrance, shared interests with Bourdieu and they applied his sociology in order to study sports.
　Today’s sociologists can apply Bourdieu’s sociology in different ways than they did. New interpretations have been already presented. One is that by Bourdieu: an international and global perspective on sports with the example of the Olympics. Another one is that by Wacquant: an ethnographic work at a boxing gym in a black ghetto of Chicago, which is local and deals with the flesh.

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　This paper examines the role of the Keijo-Nippo, as an agent-paper for the Government-General of Korea, by analyzing the discourse of the articles covering sports events.
　The Keijo-Nippo continuously held sports events such as baseball and tennis under the “Naisen-Yuwa” (Integration of Japan and Korea) policy that was in place from 1920-1937 during the period of Japanese colonization (which lasted from 1910-1945). In these games, a lot of Korean players took part along with Japanese players. The Keijo-Nippo emphasized the significance of these games from the view point of the Japanese colonial Government.
　In addition the Keijo-Nippo regularly invited Japanese baseball teams mainly from Tokyo’s six major universities. In the articles on the invitation matches, the Japanese teams were always presented as a normative model for Korean teams.
　It becomes clear through the textual analysis that the Keijo-Nippo supported and developed the “NaisenYuwa” policy through its promotion of sports events.

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