Brown Sugar had been produced in Okinawa since the early Edo period. It was handed over by the peasantry as payment of their feudal land taxes. Increasing domestic demand for brown sugar following the Meiji Reformation led to expanded production and it became a key commercial product of Okinawa Prefecture. The purpose of this paper is to syudy the distribution system as well as the role played by sugar merchants in the expansion of the market and the factors that contiributed to its end - from 1890's to 1930' s-. The basic points made are as follows: 1) The distribution system of Okinawan brown sugar comprised seven stages ; production by the peasantry ; brokers in Naha ; the consignor in Naha : the consignee in Osaka, brokers in Osaka , and thence to retailers and consumers. However the dominat party had, since the mid Edo period, been made up of Osaka sugar merchants, who were known as the Association of Eleven (juichikumi 11組). 2) By various means the Association of Eleven maintained monopolies over demand opposite to brokers in Okinawa, and over supply opposite to retailers in consumer areas, thus responding to increase in production by distributional means. 3) However, new developments in transport, communications and financial services, and the founding of agricultural cooperatives in Okinawa where the sugar was produced led to advances in direct shipment from Okinawa to consumer areas, resulting in the collaps of the seven-stage distribution system and the dssolution of the Association of Eleven.

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It is seen on the so called "Relationship of Weeki and Shikama" that a relationship concern on farmland in Ryukyu's Modern Era. In Ryukyu's Early-Modern Era, former Modern Era, Ryukyu's Kingdom ordered its people to pay tax by products such as rice and beans. Upon the order of the kingdom administration, leaders of the local areas commanded their farmers to produce rice and beans, or substitutive products such as brown sugar and textile goods. Japanese new power, Meiji Government, first, changed Ryukyu's kingdom to Ryukyu-Han in 1872, second, conquered it in 1879. Okinawa Prefecture of Japan was born. But, the government did not reformed the custom and practice of the Ryukyus for about 20 years. The government avoided radical reform. Meiji government reformed the custom and practice of the Ryukyus, not radically, but slowly. In 1899, the government carried out resolutely the reform, and decided acreage, land price, tax, and its owner of each land. All people due to tax by cash in accordance with their land ownership. Each people should be earned money independently, and pay tax. But they cannot. They ask for former leaders of the local areas to pay tax, and due to work for them. These leaders become "Weeki", and people become "Shikama". "Weeki" is a landowner and instructor of work of local people, "Shikama". "Relationship of Weeki and Shikama" was started.

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The purpose of this paper is to consider the structure of farm management and the farming practices in Okinawa agriculture before the Second World War. The cultivated land area was about 60,000ha, and sweet potatoes a crop grown for self-support, occupied half of it in prewar days. The area planted with sugar cane expanded and the composition of crops in planted areas changed until the middle of the Taisho era. However, the increase of the sugar cane area reached a peak in the middle of the Taisho era. New varieties of sugar cane and paddy rice were introduced at the beginning of the Showa era. Moreover, the amount of fertilizer applied increased at that time. And the yield per Tan of these crops rose based on these changes. However, the amount of fertilizer applied was still insufficient, mainly home-made fertilizer, as a whole. On the other hand, development of the cultivation tools such as plow lagged behind greatly. As regards farm management, farmers grew sweet potatoes as their staple food, then processed in into Kokuto (Brown Sugar Lumps), and in addition, raised pigs to earn cash. The Kokuto manufacturing was done by yuimaru which was customary practice labor exchange. When looking at the content of management, not only the arable land under management was small, but also agricultural income and the management expenses were extremely small, especially expenses for farming tools, fodder and fertilizer. Moreover, the ratio of fixed capital including equipment of agriculture was extremely low. Thus, farmers in Okinawa in the period of prewar days did not accumulate capital, and the mechanism whereby they invested in the next production was weak. The rise in productive capacity in the beginning of the Showa era involved war regime afterwards, and the mechanism collapsed without the formation a new productive capacity system. Overcoming these problems and creating a new agricultural structure were left to be done after the war.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine changes in the system governing irrigation associations in France in the 19^<th> century, with special reference to the forced participation of reluctant landowners in the system. First, we will examine the system before the act of 1865 on land improvement associations. As opposed to disaster prevention associations, the unanimous agreement of all landowners was required for the creation of irrigation associations. Second, we will examine the act of 1865. This act divided land improvement associations into two types. One type were called "free associations," the other type were known as "authorized associations." The unanimous agreement of all landowners was required for the creation of a free association, and irrigation associations could be founded only as free associations. Objections concerning this point were raised in the legislative body. After due discussion, it was decided by the act of 1865 that, for the protection of property rights, unanimity was required for the creation of associations whose objectives were limited to land improvement goals such as irrigation. Third, we will analyze the process that lead to the revision of the act in 1888. After three presentations of the bill, the act of 1865 was revised. In deliberations in the National Assembly, it was emphasized that the protection of property rights was important. There was, however, an opinion that the regulation of the act prevented the construction of irrigation systems. Therefore, after discussions, it was concluded that the act of 1865 should be revised so as not to require the unanimous agreement of all landowners for the creation of an irrigation association. Following this revision, irrigation associations could be created according to the similar conditions governing the establishment of disaster prevention associations. By the revision of 1888, reluctant landowners could be forced to participate in irrigation associations. There were, however, objections to the introduction of this system for associations concerned merely with land improvements. This shows that there was strong opposition to infringements of property rights for the creation of this type of association.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the roots for the post-war cultivation, based on analysis of life history of the leaders in post-war cultivated highland from the pre- war days, in the trend of society and economy, considering the defeat on the pacific war. To approach the above subject, I analyzed correspond to the life history of the leaders, (1) the characteristics in their youth, (2) the roots development and result in the cultivation in Manchuria, (3) the roots for the post-war cultivation, (4) the characteristics in the construction of the basement farm for production increase, (5) the characteristics in the selection of crops in the development of farming in post-war cultivated highland, (6) the characteristics in the appearance of the power of leaders and the succession of their leadership. As a result, it is clarified that the experience in farming for cultivation in Manchuria of the leaders in pre-war days and the wartime effect the development in the farming for cultivation in the post-war days from the beginning of settlement to the present, in Onogahara village, the area of case study.

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This paper examines to clear the cost share for construction of irrigation facilities and to clear labor collecting system for large construction of irrigation under the feudalistic regime. There were small local governments (Han) in Yamagata area at this era. So, the main irrigation facilities were over some government territories. The feudalistic local governments had a responsibility for a construction or large repair of irrigation facilities. Villages had a responsibility for daily management and maintenance of irrigation facilities which was used by villagers. Villages also had a responsibility for small repair of them. The construction and repair of irrigation facilities had started by the application from village to its local government. Local government examined this application and admitted, and also decided who constructed or repaired the facilities. At the case of government's construction (Gofusin), construction materials were supplied by government, fund of construction was shared between government and village. The labor was collected by order of government after talk with other governments. The villages in this area were organized into 18 groups. The head of this group was appointed by government among village leaders. The government assigned the amount of labors to each head of village group. The head of village group also assigned the labors to village by autonomous rule. The construction labor was one kind of taxes. At the case of Village's construction (Jifusin), the construction labor was collected from village members by themselves. Other materials and fund shard between village and subsidies from government. Under these systems of labor collection and cost share of construction, villages gained administrative experience and autonomous ability. Small local governments depended upon such village's ability for arrangement of labor collection. And water right of villages could be kept by these systems and ability for construction of irrigation facilities.

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The purpose of this study is to analyze mortality patterns in the later Edo period by comparing deaths in towns (Machi) with those in villages (Mura) in Aichi-gun, Owari-kuni. In addition, this study proposes the use of new mortality data called "Nippai Gappai torisirabe-cho" in a series of mortality studies. "Nippai" and "Gappai" are enshrined in a temple and recite sutras every day or every month for memorial services. In this analysis, it is picked out posthumous Buddhist name (Kaimyo) and the date of death from this data. A large part of the dynamic trend, which was observed in the population before the first national census, has not been explained. In particular, little is known about the patterns of mortality, for instance, the trend of the death toll and the causes of death. In recent years, the analysis of mortality patterns has attracted attention, especially in historical-demography. It has been noted that the trend of mortality might have influenced the dynamic trend in the population. However, case studies of mortality patterns are not sufficient, because it is difficult to obtain any data on mortality. The results of the study are as follows. 1) This paper used "Nippai Gappai torisirabe-cho," which has not been used elsewhere, for analyzing the patterns of mortality. As a result, I would like to emphasize that mortality data from "Nippai Gappai torisirabe-cho" could be useful for analyzing mortality patterns. 2) In this paper, two groups from the dead in Aichi-gun were selected and the mortality data was recorded using "Nippai Gappai torisirabe-cho." One group consisted of the dead that belonged to towns (Machi) near Nogoya-jo, and the other group consisted of the dead that belonged to villages (Mura) in Aichi-gun. This paper analyzed the mortality patterns, especially in the seasonal trend of the deaths, using the date of death recorded in "Nippai Gappai torisirabe-cho." 3) It clarified that the seasonal trend in the deaths in towns (Machi) and in villages (Mura) was different, even in normal years. Moreover, seasonal trend in crisis years was different from normal years for each group. However, seasonal trend in the common years of crisis in towns (Machi) and villages (Mura) was not the same.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of the forms of land transaction documents in the Edo Period. The landlord who is the focus of this article, Hirayamake, resided in Kaburaki village in the Chiba Prefecture. In the Edo Period, the village was under rule of administrator of Shogunate (Daikan) and retainers of the Shogun (Hatamoto), which changed over time. The first change in the land transaction documents is the transformation from Eitaiuri, a permanent sales of land, into Uriwatashi, "sales". At the background of this transformation is the incident of punishment against the ban of Eitaiuri by the Shogunate. However, a de facto Eitaiuri that was disguised by other form of contract continued. After the incident, land sales were dominated by pawning instead of Uriwatashi, which was permitted by the Shogunate. Sale by pawning however did not continue entirely during the Edo period until Meiji Restoration. In the middle of Edo Period, Uriwatashi reappeared. Sales contracts disguised by pawning also appeared at the same time. Uriwatashi contracts reappeared when Kaburaki village came out of the Shogunate's rule. De facto Uriwatashi contracts disguised by pawning were initially found in the transactions with the village where Hirayamake did not reside. After, the Shogunate came back to rule Kaburaki village, disguised sales became dominant. Almost all of the land transactions within the village under the rule of the Shogunate were by pawning, which was the form of contract permitted by the Shogunate. Thus, Hirayamake changed the form of land transaction documents following the rule and intention of the rulers.

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The subject of this paper is to analyze the process of acceptance into the agricultural insurance during the interwar period in Japan. In this period, the Pre-Agricultural-Insurance-System (Nogyo-Hoken-Ruiji-Sisetu) was established in local level to prevent the occurrence of the Tenancy Dispute. This paper focuses on the case of Saitama prefecture which name is Noka-Hoken-Kumiai (NHK) and declares how farmers who lived in traditional community accepted the modern system of insurance. NHK is a kind of farmer's cooperative society and runs 3 businesses. First, the Compensation Business covers the loss of the harvest according to member's farm size. Namely, the big farmer pays more expensive premium and can be more compensated. This is a main principle of the modern insurance but there was a danger that poor farmers complaint about the fact that big farmers, especially landlords, were given greater care in spite of their economic power. Therefore, the authority of Saitama prefecture encouraged NHK officers to pay more money to the poor farmers, especially tenant farmers, in case of disaster. Then, we can confirm that NHK modified the principle of the modern insurance system. Second, Joint Investment Business lends members or farmer's group money on interest. Above all, the poor farmers were given high priority in this business. Third, Mutual Aid Business is to compensate farmer's various risks and is similar to the traditional mutual help convention in the community. One NHK reported that hitherto the members had misgivings about insurance system, but thanks to this business, they became to feel easy and have positive image to the NHK. Then, our conclusion is that in terms of smooth acceptance into the agricultural insurance, these modifications of the insurance system were rational and efficient. But, under monetary restrictions, there was a danger that the insurance system made tangible the existence of economical difference between the members.

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