For a long time, the Soviet agricultural system of the 1930s- early 1950s, described as "Stalin's Kolkhozy" in the article, had been regarded as the orthodox system of Socialist agriculture. The purpose of the article is to clarify the features of "Stalin's Kolkhozy" and its transformations in the post-Stalin period. The main feature of "Stalin's Kolkhozy" is the heavy "exploitation" of Kolkhozy. Based on the "Biological harvest", the state estimates the level of the compulsory delivery from Kolkhozy to the state. The state paid pay a fixed procurement price, which was normally very low (much lower even than the production costs). Kolkhozy were also obligated to pay the MTS (Machine Tractor Stations) in kind for work done on Kolkhozy. As the level of mechanization was raising, the proportion of the harvest paid to the MTS increased. Agriculture thus made a decisive contribution to the financing of so-called "forced industrialization" at the expense of Kolkhozniki (Kolkhozy peasants). They were little paid and were able to survive just because of their private plots and animals. After the death of Stalin in 1953, the Soviet agricultural system had been gradually but significantly changed. The procurement prices became cost-cover-prices in the 1960s, then profit-guaranteed prices in the mid-1980s. Above all, the position of agricultural sector in national economy was radically changed. By the 1980s agriculture had begun to consume large part of the state budget.
The People's Republic of China started food control policy in 1953. In the first few years, rural areas were
in crisis because of aggressive purchases by rural cadres. However, despite such hard controls, the amount of
collected food was stagnated. This caused by the inability of rural cadres to accurately assess food production. In
order to overcome the difficulty, the PRC adopted a new policy of fixing the amount of food purchase. The timing
of the new policy and agricultural collectivization movement overlapped led peasants to joining agricultural
cooperatives even for those who were originally reluctant to agricultural collectivization. Thus, the agricultural
collectivization movement progressed at a speed faster than the central leader's expectation.
The purpose of this paper was to explain how agricultural and food regulations of post-war East Germany
were formed in the face of serious food shortages after 1945 by focusing on the reorganization of agricultural
associations. In addition, we showed the landscape images of socialist "model villages" drawn by rural planners in order to discuss the construction concept of rural socialism in East Germany.
We found so-called "self-sufficiency reaction" of people to the post-war food crisis, as was observed in
the cultivation of small personal gardens. Even land reform after 1945 had a feature of the settlement policy for
refugee farmers from former German territories, which was one of the factors that caused farm management
difficulties by the Neubauern (new farmers) afterward.
At the beginning of the occupation, Soviet Military Government revived former German agricultural
cooperative "Raiffeisen" as an instrument of agricultural food control. But it was soon consolidated with VdgB (Peasants Mutual Aid Association) into VdgB-BHG (Peasant Trade Cooperative) in 1950 and controlled under
the SED (Socialist Unity Party of Germany). Simultaneously, we found that other centralized agriculture-related
organizations such as MAS (machine rental station), DBB (German farmers bank), and VEAB (state-owned
purchase organization) were founded around 1949. This meant that the socialist agricultural control system had
been established before agricultural collectivization.
On the construction concept of rural socialism by rural planners in the 1950s -who had been often engaged
in the operation of Nazi rural settlement policy in the occupied region- we found that the subject of rural planning
had changed from the design of new farm houses in land reform to the design of the "central village" in the model village project. In the case of the "Mestlin" project in Mecklenburg, rural planners put importance on the "Kulturhaus" and MAS/MTS as symbols of new age rural socialism, while the peasant elements of land reform disappeared
in planning. It seems to resemble a “rural city concept” based on the separation of work and life.
This paper introduces two policies that have a strong connection with socialist agriculture in Japanese
agriculture since the 1940s: food supply systems and agricultural communalization (cooperation). The food
supply system is a controlled collection system for agricultural products that was introduced to cope with food
shortages during the war and occupation of Japan. The system caused the abandonment of farming due to
the reversibility of its burden and the deterrent nature of production in inferior arable land, but the farmland
reform implemented at the same time played a complementary role in the policy and the crisis was avoided.
Also, when the price of collected rice exceeded the market price during the period of high economic growth,
it became agriculturally protective. Agricultural communalization became popular in post-war reclamation
projects mainly by people returning from mainland China after the war. The Shintone Reclamation Agricultural
Cooperative introduced in this article attracted attention due to the success of joint management by paddy dairy
farming, but the obsession with self-feeding feed became the key to expansion of management, and the joint
management was dismantled during the generational change. The conclusion of this paper is that socialist agriculture is not always seized, and it may be seized or protected depending on the economic situation at the time.
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the education of the school for girls established by Prefecture Agricultural Associations in 1920-1930s; they were established in Mie, Toyama, Hiroshima, Fukui, Chiba, Yamagata,
Aomori. The background of establishment was the increase of women who hope to marriage in urban, and the
necessity of science education for girls who become farmer's wives; although there were other schools for girls such as girls' high school and vocational continuation school, they were considered to be inadequate to lead the girls as rural women. The schools for girls established by Prefecture Agricultural Associations had school dormitory. Especially Chiba has own school building, but the others did not so they moved in search of schoolhouse every year, therefore they were called "the type of movement schools". The education and policy of school were difference between Chiba and the others. The graduates were expected to be the model of rural girls, and to transmit the way to improvement of rural life. One of the ways to improvement of rural life was the save of wedding expenses, so they swore to wear the bride costume which was not made of silk but cotton when they would get married. The improvement in nourishment was other way; which was mainly worked on Chiba. We consider that the tendency of the improvement of rural life was difference by prefecture; so, Prefecture Agricultural Associations of Chiba was ambitious for the construction of cultural village. The important idea of "the type of movement schools" was mental training, on the other hand, there was also the leading of the improvement of rural village, especially in Chiba. In Japanese farming families, the parents hoped the eldest son who would be their heir to take the wife, but the daughters not to be farmer's wives, so the education which made girls live in village was needed in the schools for girls established by Prefecture Agricultural Associations.
This paper examines the learning of Michurin theory and its changes promoted at the Northeast Agricultural
Science Research Institute in the early days of the People's Republic of China. Before 1945, the Northeast
Agricultural Science Research Institute was a Manchuria National Agricultural Experiment Station.
After the war, the People's Republic of China managed the test site, and in the early 1950s it was encouraged
to learn Soviet agricultural techniques. For this reason, Mendel-Morgan theory (the theory of materialism)
was thoroughly denied, and the Michurin theory (materialism), has been promoted. Chinese engineers
have criticized their research mistakes and made efforts to incorporate the perception of biology as a "new view of the universe." In addition, the Northeast Agricultural Science Research Institute actively purchased Soviet books and increased exchanges with engineers in socialist countries.
As a result, the knowledge of Japanese technicians became unnecessary, and many of them returned
to Japan in 1953. The whole society was becoming compliant with the central government's policies. However,
among them, Chinese technicians continued breeding test, and in the late 1950s, new varieties were born.
The behavior of Chinese engineers will be criticized by the later anti-rights struggle. This paper is regarded
as an analysis of the situation at the earlier stage.