This paper discussed "poverty in quality of food" as limitations of options. In Karafuto, one of the colonies of the Japanese empire, a part of the colonial elites appealed to the people to change their staple food from rice to other crops which they could produce under the climate condition of Karafuto. In Hokkaido, Manchukuo and even the main-lands, it is possible to find the similar discourses and attempts though Japanese people had called their country "Toyoashihara-Mizhuho-no-kuni (the country abundant rice)" and regarded rice as the precious food for a long time. The reason of those discourses and attempts was an unrationality of eating rice as the staple food in each land. They justified "poverty in quality of food" by political and economic rationality. Such phenomena have appeared in the premodern era as well as in the modern era. In addition, that will appear at the present day. For instance, some people avoid eating any meat because of their ecological stances. That behavior is "poverty in quality of food" derived from a private principle. However, it can turn to be "justice of food" when they justify their behavior as a rational behavior for ecology and insist that it should be one of the public standards. "Justice of food" which demands the people "poverty in quality of food" can appear without an official oppression. It will appear with social oppressions such as "atmosphere censorship". It is one of the present issues to which we should give priority; "freedom of food" or "justice of food", the right of self-definition of food or "poverty in quality of food". Studies on agricultural history can contribute the historical experiences to this issue.

抄録全体を表示

This paper explores the development of the school lunch program in US-Occupied Okinawa, by focusing on the policy making process by the Government of the Ryukyu Islands (GRI), which was established as the local government by the occupier, the United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands (USCAR). Previous studies especially illustrated that the school lunch program in US-Occupied Okinawa totally depended on the food donation by the two organization of the United States: National Catholic Welfare Conference and Church World Service. However, they have failed to elucidate why the dependance had arisen and influenced the Law Concerning School Lunch Program, which GRI set in 1960. This paper clarifies how the school lunch program in US-Occupied Okinawa was instituted and operated. The results were as follows. First, the Land Problem in the mid-1950s had encouraged USCAR to promote well-being of Ryukyuan people. Yet, the finances of GRI were severely constrained to follow the Policy of USCAR. After political adjustment, USCAR succeeded to add the provision that GRI must serve to the children or pupils even when the protector could not bear the school lunch expenses to the Law Concerning School Lunch Program. Second, dependence on the food donation caused the severe gap between what donators aimed to send and what Ryukyuan people needed. Millers' National Federation and United States Department of Agriculture promoted to sell "Bulgur" as a new wheat food, however, a part of Ryukyuan people fed it to their hogs. This paper proves that although the food donation from the United States contributed to the school lunch program, we must realize it also obscured the decline of agriculture in US-Occupied Okinawa.

抄録全体を表示

This paper traces the transformation of the perception of food self-sufficiency in Japan from the 1950s through the 1970s. During this period, Japan achieved self-sufficiency in rice, but this was not only due to an increase in production but also to the diversification of diets that relied on imported grains. In the rice shortage of the early 1950s, coupons for purchasing wheat were distributed to every household, but the actual use of the coupons was sluggish. Because appropriate side dishes for bread, especially eggs and meat, were expensive, it was reasonable to continue eating rice, even if it meant buying more rice than the ration allotment at a black market price. In addition, the contamination and poor taste of imported rice caused people to crave domestically produced rice. However, after self-sufficiency in rice was achieved in the late 1960s, the nature of the problem changed dramatically. First, concerns about a global food crisis emerged and the experience of the first oil crisis led to a recognition of the dangers of dependence on imported food. This awareness was typically expressed in the claims of reformist political parties and was often featured in popular magazines. Another was the demand for "equal treatment" of rice in the consumer movement. As rice became scarce, the government established a voluntary marketed rice system. This established a lower-priced "standard rice" and a higher-priced "voluntary marketed rice". This disparity, and the fear that it would lead to higher prices for rice, led to continued opposition at consumer conventions and other events. Interestingly, the debate on self-sufficiency in the context of the "food crisis" and the rice "equality" were not interconnected. These two perspectives were combined in the 1980s in the debate over the acceptance of rice imports.

抄録全体を表示

People tend to think that crop cultivation was the main livelihood in medieval Europe. However, cultivation was not the main livelihood everywhere, it depended on the natural environment of the area. One such area was the upland of north-west England, including the Lake District. This paper examines a reconstruction of rural landscapes and the feature of transhumance in the Lake District, taking the township of Troutbeck as an example, based on historical documents, topography, place names, and archaeological knowledge, as well as a comparison with the present. Regarding landscape, the three land types of "inbye – intake – open fell" are now the standard. By contrast, in the late medieval period, the bottom of the valley in Troutbeck had a long and narrow settlement, a common arable land, and a common meadow, which were enclosed by ring-garth rather than by a dry stone wall. On the other hand, the fell, including the gentle slope, was open. Therefore, there was no inbye or intake in late medieval Troutbeck. Regarding transhumance, summer grazing in late medieval Troutbeck took place in open fell common ground, based on the "shieling". There was also the "outgang", routes by which tenants moved livestock from the farm to the fell, this remains in use. A medieval system called a "stint", which limits the number of animals that can be pastured in the commons, is still being used. In the late medieval period, "stints" were managed between lords and tenants, while current "stints" can be rented, borrowed, bought, and sold. Also in the late medieval period, transhumance was closely associated with farming and stock raising in common arable land and common meadow, however, there is no common arable land or common meadow today. Therefore, Troutbeck's late medieval landscape and transhumance differ from the current ones in many ways, and their "continuity" between the late medieval and present period should thus not be overemphasized.

抄録全体を表示