After introducing and criticizing W. F. Albright's “Ancient Israelite Mind”, the most recent contribution in this field, the lecturer discusses the problem of the Israelites' rejection of dualism, which Siegfried and Tremontant considered to be the typical way of the Israelite thinking. The lecturer emphasizes, however, that as the dualism and monism are correlative in nature, the more important approach to the problem would be to find out how both ways of thinking are correlated in a people's thinking. His opinion is that in the language a verbal sentence is monistic because of its one-term character, whereas a nominal sentence is dualistic in terms of its two term character. As for the Hebrew language, a verb comes at the very beginning of the sentence, a fact which indicates the emphasis of the activity of the subject. In case of a nominal sentence a copula combines the two terms. In Hebrew it is a particle of emphasis which is the expression of volition rather than logic in the Israelite mind. This indicates that the Israelite tries to solve the antagonism of the two poles of facticity and ideality in favour of the former through their volitional emphasis of activity. This is historically exemplified in Job and the Prophets in the Old Testament.

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The chronology of the Amarna Period in the late Eighteenth Egyptian Dynasty contains many perlexing problems and little agreement exists among the various theories proposed to resolve them. The latest crucial point in forming a reasonable chronology for this period is the socalled coregency hypothesis of Amenophis III and Akhenaten. So in this article I will examine all the evidence at present available and try to get a possible solution.
These twenty-two data for the coregency are as follows: (1) description of Manetho; (2) a scene in the tomb of Surer; (3) offering-table from Amarna; (4) fragments of a granite bowl from Amarna; (5) stela found in the house of Panehesi; (6) rock relief at Aswan; (7) a scene in the tomb of Kheruef; (8) lintel scenes in the tomb of Huya; (9) relief s from the temple of Soleb; (10) sarcophagus of Meketaten; (11) small stela dispicting Semenkhkare and Akhenaten; (12) various representations of Amenophis III and Akhenaten as example of filial piety; (13) two wine-jar dockets from Amarna; (14) names of estates compound with Amenophis III's. praenomen from Amarna; (15) hieratic dockets from Malqata; (16) scenes of “coronation-tribute” (and sed-festivals of Aten); (17) tomb of the vizier Ramose; (18) block from Athnibis; (19) Meidum graffito; (20) Kahun papyri; (21) hieratic docket of EA 27; (22) age and parentage of Tutankhamen (and a mummy from tomb No. 55).
The investigation of these data convince me of the difficulty in accepting the hypothetical coregency. Almost all the arguments depend for their validities upon the particular interpretations and most of these interpretations are invalid or with no decisive proofs for supporting these assumptions. Furthermore, there exists some obstacles to the coregency. First of all, the length of the coregency is mutually incompatible among data. In the next, the hypothetical coregency must explain how two religious systems in open conflict with one another and two overlapping and yet separate systems of burocracy had been able to coexist, and especially why Amenophis III had been able to escape from the persecutions of anti-Atonists. Finally, the length of the time during which Akhenaten received the Amarna Letters is too long to accept the coregency.
In short, there are little possibility of the coregency. The plausible explanation of the occurences of Amenophis III's name during the Amarna Period is that Amarna is the short-lived capital and it well preserved the expressions of the close family loyalty to the immediate predecessor without missing most of these memories like Thebes.

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In this paper the reporter examines the interpretations of šaki hitherto proposed —“equivalent” (Cameron, PTT), “remainder” (Cameron, JNES 17, pp. 161 ff.) and “counterpart” (Hallock, JNES 19, p. 91)— and offers a tentative translation of the word as “gratuity”.

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This is to give the general survey of the social structure of the Kingdom of Ugarit analysed by all the texts of PRU II, III, IV, V, inscribed on clay tablets excavated in Ras Shamra.
In a sense their social structures observed in both of the Alalakh texts and the Pylos texts show us the same oriental despotism as in the texts of Ras Shamra, however, we notice that more developed or larger scaled trades of Ugarit Kingdom with the many peoples distributed from Mesopotamia, Egypt, Anatolia even to the Aegean which we observe in each part of the social structures characterizes the Kingdom of Ugarit.

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The author inquires into the historical meaning that is comprised in the universal history by the three millenia from the Sumerian city-states to the Persian Empire of Cyrus the Great, after trying to give a sketch of the world history conceived in his own way as forming a “structural” entity.
By the way, what does he mean by that term: a “structural” entity?
One may form an idea of what it is through the following schema, representing what he believes 4 classical ages of the world history:
In China, from Chin-Han Empire (221 B. C. -221 A. D.) to Sui-Tang Empire (581-907 A. D.)
In India, from Maurya Empire (ca. 320-185 B. C.) to Gupta Empire and the King Siladitya (ca. 320-647 A. D.)
In Orient from Persian Empire (539-330 B. C.) to Sassanid Empire (226-651 A. D.)
In Occident, from Roman Empire (29 B. C. -476 A. D.) to Carolingian Empire (800-840 A. D.)
In other words, the author believes to see in these 4 sets of worldwide Empires the Classical Epoch of the universal history, after which comes, in his conception, our own New Epoch i. e. modern times, distinguished at its opening by those remarkable phenomena as 1) Entrance of Japan on the stage of world History; 2) Births of the western nations, such as France, England, Germany, Italy, Spain, etc.; 3) Islamism and its bursting expansion, and so on.
Turning his glance back towards the farther past, the author now asks what imply the three millenia up to the Cyrus' Empire in the Orient and tries to interpret them as the process from the city-states to the World Empire through the stage of the territory states.

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La déisis de l'ésonarthex dans St. Sophie de Constantinople qui représent l'idée politique de la dynastie macédonienne symbolise la formation du monde byzantin. Quant à la formation, il faut faire attention sur deux conditions qui mettent un cadre au monde byzantin; la séparation de l'Orient et la séparation de l'Occident.
Ces deux cours de la séparation doivent être rechercher en relation étroite entre deux. Notamment tous cours de l'époque isaurienne seront trés importants pour considérer la formation. Mais ces séparations sont deux des causes extérieures de la formation. Le monde byzantin n'est pas formé seulement par des causes extérieures. Considérant les causes extérieures on doit regarder les changements danss l'Empire Byzantin; l'iconoclasme, le système des thèmes, l'accroissement de l'homogénéité gréque, les invasions slaves et la naissance de la culture macédonienne.

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Nous avons eu l'occasion, récemment, d'examiner les fragments des miniatures de la Genèse de Cotton, conservés au British Museum, grâce à la bienveillance de MM. les bibliothécaires du Département des Manuscrits. Cette Genèse illustrée célèbre, qui contenait autrefois 250 miniatures, mais qui a été endommagée en 1731 par l'incendie de la bibliothèque cottonienne, ne conserve plus aujourd'hui que 147 folios fragmentaires avec les traces plus ou moms effacées de miniatures. Au cours de cet examen, en plus des miniatures en meilleur état, déjà publiées par le soin de la Société des Antiquaires de Londres tout de suite après l'incendie, et quelques autres décrites par Tikkanen, Lethaby et Weitzmann, nous avons pu réussir à identifier, de nouveau, une soixantaine de sujets des miniatures (55 sujets dont l'identification est certain, 28 sujets moins certains;). Le rapport préliminaire de cette investigation, une liste complète de sujets des miniatures identifiées, accompagnée des croquis pris sur les originaux, de leur description et de leur comparaison avec les mosaïques du narthex de St. Marc, a été déjà publiée dans “Bijutsushi”, vol. 66-67, 1968. Ainsi que Tikkanen l'a démontré, le rapport iconographique très étroit qui existe entre ces miniatures (du 5-6^e siècle) et les mosaïques (du 13^e siècle) décorant le narthex de St. Marc à Venise semble incontestable.
Pour préciser davantage la complexité de ce rapport, nous avons examine, dans cet article-ci, une suite d'episodes relatifs à “la Tour de Babel”, qu'on trouve des examples parallelès dans ces deux oeuvres d'art d'époques différentes. Nous avons ajouté, à cette comparaison, les mosaïques siciliennes du 12^e siècle, l'une à la Capella Palatina de Palerme, l'autre à la cathédrale de Monréale, traitant tous les deux le même sujet. Contrairement à l'opinion professée par le Prof. Weitzmann, —il croit que lea mosaïques de St. Marc sont une copie directe des miniatures de la Genèse de Cotton—, nous avons pu constater la présence d'un second modèle, un autre modèle apparenté, mais s'en distinguant légèrement dans son choix de sujets et dans son traitement de quelques détails, qu'auraient connu et se seraient servi les mosaïstes de St. Marc. C'est d'ailleurs ce que nous avons conclu dans un autre article consacré à ce mêmo problème (“La chaire de Maximien, la Genèse de Cotton et les mosaïques de St. Marc à Venise: à propos du cycle de Joseph”, in “Synthronos”, recueil d'études dédié au Prof. A. Grabar, Paris, 1968, pp. 43-51). Or, nous remarquons que ce même modèle (ou un manuscrit appartenant à la même recension) a laissé son empreinte très caractéristique, tout au moins en ce qui concerne la représentation du cycle de la Tour de Babel, égalernent sur les mosaïques siciliennes: tous ces auteurs des mosaïques, de Venise et de la Sicile, ont confondu les angel dispersant les peuples au sommet de la Tour de Babel avec les ouvriers construisant la Tour placés au même endroit. Le mauvais état de conservation des trois miniatures (Construction de la Tour de Babel; Dieu descendant du ciel?; Confusion des langues) de la Genèse de Cotton, ne nous permet pas de vérifier, si cette confusion remontait déjà a l'époqu

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From our study on the 13 codices of NHTs, which was being published from 1956 to 1963, we have come to the following conclusions.
1. Concerning the characteristics of the Gnosticism the NHTs reconfirm the results which had been drawn from the other Gnostic materials: (1) the knowledge on the “consubstantiality” between one's self and the supreme Godhead, (2) the substantial dualism and (3) the revelation of the Godhead (=one's self) through a Revealer or Redeemer. But the heresiologists of the “Great Church” have denounced form their point of view the points (2) and (3) so emphatically that the point (1) does not come enough into their sight. We can find neither “typical” Gnostic, speculative myths (2) nor so-called “Docetic” Christology (3), at least in the “Gospels” of the NHTs. On the contrary our texts are all founded on the “gnosis” of the consubstantiality (1).
2. By the light of the NHTs it becomes clearer that the Gnosticism originated in the borderlands between Judaism (including Diaspola) and other hellenistic religions, for example in Samalia, Syria and Egypt, for the most of the NHTs depend on the Gnostic interpretation of the Judaic materials.
3. Can we attest any conception of so-called “pre-Christian” Gnostic redeemer? To answer such a question is of course impossible, as the publication of the whole NHTs is not yet completed. We are inclined to think, however, that it is not from Christianity that Gnosticism borrowed the idea of its redeemer, for we can demonstrate by the textual criticism that such a redeemer as “Sophia” is more original than “Christ” in the Apocryphon Johannis and other NHTs.
4. NHTs make it clearer that such rituals as baptism and chrism play the important role to combine Gnosticism with Christianity, especially “Sophia” with “Christ”.

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Gabriel must be in anger for the present surroundings of Arabia overwhere gloomy clouds are covered by the sudden invasion of Israel.
It was in the year 624 that Gabriel brought the message from God Allah saying “O children of Israel! remember my favour wherewith I have favoured you, and that high above all mankind have I raised you” (II-116 )
This message was for Jews in Medina where Prophet Muhammad was preaching the Islam. Gabriel reminds himself again this message feeling sad for Arab defeated.

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In the course of the tenth century, with the gradual dissolution of the 'Abbasid caliphs of Baghdad and the rise of the Fatimid caliphs of Egypt, the main trade route in the Indian Ocean shifted from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea.
It is therefore probable that 'Aydhab, Jidda and 'Adan had by then supplanted Suhar, Basra and Siraf as the important ports for sailing to India and China.
From the end of the eleventh through the twelve centuries, Kish (Qais) became the trade centre of the Persian Gulf after the decline of Siraf. Thus it is not surprising that in A. D. 1135, the son of al-'Amid, the ruler of Kish tried to attack and conquer 'Adan the great terminus at which ships from Egypt, East Africa and India discharged their loads.
When the expedition of the king of Kish remained in the port of 'Adan watching the incoming ships, two merchant ships belonging to one Ramasht the great shipowner (na-khuda), entered the port and he immediately manned Yemenite troops for the sake of repulsing the enemy.
It seems to have been of decisive importance in the history of the mediaeval Indian trade that the na-khuda called Ramasht had side with 'Adan against Kish.
The author traces in some of the following sources Ramasht's wide commercial activities and his high social position in the first-quarter of the twelfth century. They are:
1) “Epitome Parisiensis” (Arabe MS. 2214, Paris) of Ibn Hawgal, 2) Two Geniza records (University Library, Cambridge, MS. 20. 137 and Taylor Schechter Collection MS. 18J5, fol. 5), 3) Ibn Jubayr, Rihla, 4) al-Fasi al-Makki, Shafa' al-gharam bi-akhbar al-balad al-haram, 5) al-Nahrawali, Kitab al-i'lam bi-a'lam bayt Allah al-haram.

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According to Yasna 32.8 Yima divides the flesh of the bull among men. The author thinks that it is one of rituals of the New Year and Yima himself is the lord of the sacrificial feast with which the New Year festival sets in.
It is supposed that Yima's festival took place round the Vara, an instance of which is the Ka'ba i Zardošt and there held successive Achaemenian kings, who were Yimas also, the ceremonies of accession.

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