The evidences of the Linear B land tenure tablets allow us to assume with certainty that the economic basis of the Mycenaean kingdoms was a kind of village community, and that the structure of this community way characterized with the combination of the two categories of land tenure (ki-ti-me-na and ke-ka-me-na holdings). From the view point of the world history, therefore, this characteristic form of the Mycenaean community is supposed to have been an intermediate form between the primitive or Asiatic community and the prototype (kome) of the classical polis-community. Considering the Homeric concept of equality of right of the brothers in a family (Il. 15. 174-217; 12. 421-3; Od. 14. 207-210), the rule of the members of a community over the temenos-holdings (Il. 6. 194-5; 9. 574-5; 12. 313-4; 20. 184-6; Od. 2. 335-6), and the beginning of dissolution of the Mycenaean family which is suggested by three Pylos tablets (En 659. 1-6; Eo 444; Eo 224), we may infer that the structure of the Mycenaean community was transformed during the dark age into the kome in which the kleros-holdings of the members of the community were dominant. The Mycenaean community was, therefore, not only an intermediate form but also a transitional form from the primitive to the classical community. This can be, I believe, a working hypothesis of the future study of the early Greek society.

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Clément d'Alexandrie prolonge la typologie dans deux sens.
D'une part Clément la continue par une exégèse gnostique, qui correspond à la didascalie, à la connaissance supérieure, et qu'il hérite du judéochristianisme et en partie de l'exégèse gnostique philonienne qui est aussi d'origine juive.
Par ailleurs Clément la prolonge dans l'autre sens par une exégèse cosmique et morale, qui enracine l'histoire du salut dans la religion cosmique. Ici encore Clément dépend largement de Philon.
Mais en introduisant l'exégèse typologique dans l'exégèse philonienne, Clément l' articule en une perspective historique totalement étrangère à Philon.

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In the collection of the Tenri Sankôkan Museum, there is a long gold fitted sword (Photo I) and a set of gold fitted decorations for a smaller sword (Photo II).
The sword of this type has begun brought in sight recently from Northern Persia, but few in number. The three specimens which Prof. R. Ghirshman introduced in the Artibus Aside Vol. XXVI, 1963) and the beautiful one in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York are especially famous.
The handle and scabbard of these swords have distinctive features as follows; (1) the handle has projections for tight holding, (2) no guard or, if there is, very small, (3) there are two wide bands to reinforce the scabbard, one of the two is fitted at the mouth of the scabbard, (4) each band has a golden fish-shaped knot for suspension, (5) the width of the scabbard is neary the same from the tip to the end, (6) the side views of the tip of the handle and the end of the scabbard are the same “{” shape, (7) the basic pattern of the decoration is somewhat like squamation.
The sword of this type is sometimes found on silver dishes in the period from the later half of Sasanian Dynasty to the early Islamic Age in Persia. It was drawn on the wall painting in the districts along the Silk Road. Also it is reported that there have been found many stone-statues which have the sword of this type in Altai, Mongolia and Western China. However, they are all newer than some of the Persian silver dishes. So I presume that this type of sword might have been completed in Northern Persia and its surroundings during the later Sasanian Dynasty.
In Japan, the same sort of sword has been used si nce the 8th century. Among them, the most famous sword is the one of the Shôsôin Treasures. This sword has the same distinctive features as the above mentioned except in items (5) and (7). Even now, in Japan, a sword of this type is frequently used for ritual purpose. They are brilliant souvenirs showing the introduction of Persian civilization to our country. In addition, I would like to state that it is wrong to support the opinion that the pattern of squamation of the sword expresses the feathers of holy birds.
It is clear that in Western Asia, there has long been a tradition to depict bush or trees by swarms of little arcs. And later this method of describing plants seems to be combined with the method of drawing the gathering of parmette. With this assumption, I presume that these patterns of squamation on these swords have similar characteristics as of the fringe of the arch of Taller Grotto, Taq-i-Bustan and so on. This pattern of decoration was transmitted to European countries and, because of its nobleness, was to be used as the decoration of the arches of church entrance and the edgings of church windows etc., I presume.

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In 1965 Russian orientalist O. D. Chekhovich presented several views on the rural societies of Bukhara districts in the first half of the 14th century, as a result of the study of the vaqf document (vaqf-nâma) written in 1326. The most important view of them is that about two types of the peasants called “kadîvar” and “muzâri'”. But in it the difference between “kadîvar” and “muzâri'” was uncertainly pointed out.
In this article I intended to make clear the difference between the two through a detailed examination of the vaqf-nâma and found that it was in the way they had had relations with a village community and the conditions of their landtenancy; muzâri's were sharecroppers as main members of a village community who received their lands from landowners through a village community and under the condition of paying 1/3 crops as their rent. Kadîvars were rich farmers who formed the upper part of a village community, received their lands in the individual connections with landowners under more favourable condition called “kadivari” and were often themselves owners of the private land (milk). The existence of such a sharp contrast within a village community, on the one hand rich kadîvars who aim at rising to landowners and on the other hand muzâri's who were sharecroppers subjected to landowners, will make us certify that in the first half of the 14th century the peasant class in the villages of Bukhara districts was going to be divided into two parts.

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Les Arabes musulmans, qui avaient si facilement conquis l'Iran, eurent beaucoup de peine à occuper la Transoxiane (Mawara'n-nahr ou Sogdiane). Ils y mirent presque un siècle. C'est que les indigènes de cette règion, c. -t. -d. Sogdiens renommés pour leur activité commercial, résistèrent délibérément à l'invasion des Arabes de connivence avec les Turcs nomades. Les Arabes redoutaient ceux-ci comme “fléau de Dieu.”
Or, à partir du 10 ème siècle, à peu pèrs 2 siècles après la conquête de la Transoxiane par les Arabes, les Turcs nomades, tenus à l'écart au delà du Syr Dariya, commencèrent à se convertir en musulmans. L'accroissement de la puissance de leurs frères, admis au Califat comme esclaves (mamluk), n'y aurait pas été étranger. Toutefois, c'était au fond l'influence venue de la Transoxiane complètement islamisée sous la dynastie indigène Samanides (874-999). Les Turcs, qui avaient subi jadis l'influence plus ou moins forte de la civilisation iranienne par l'intermédiaire des Sogdiens, suivirent à nouveau l'exemple de ces derniers. Basé sur le temoignage de la légende de Satoq Boghra Khan, fondateur de la première dynastie turque en l'Asie centrale, V. V. Barthold signale entre autres l'activité des marchands musulmans de la Transoxiane et la propagande par les mystiques musulmans (sufi)
Quoi qu'il en soit, les Qara-khanides occupèrent la Transoxiane au détriment des Samanides et ouvrirent largement la porte au peuple turc. Les tribus turques affluèrent par là les unes après les autres au monde musulman pour y jouer un rôle dirigeant, dont les Seljougides et les Ottomans.
Les Turcs étaient presque sans exeption croyants fervants de l'Islam orthodoxe (du sunnisme). Mais, cela ne leur empêchait pas d'hériter du shamanisme, leure propre foi, surtout dans la masse. Le développement remarquable des ordres mysthiques parmi eux trahit certes cette circonstance. Quand ils appellent Allah Tengri, ce ne sera pas dans son sens strict du mot le “Dieu unique” des Arabes, mais le “Dieu suprême” des Turcs. Ce qu'on qualifie du régime sultan-calife des Ottomans pourrait être lui-même un résultat de l'alliance des notions de souveraineté chamanistique et islamique.

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In 1683 Vienna was sieged by Ottoman Turks and was relieved after two months “Vekayi'-i Beç” is the first major Turkish source for this historical event. It exists in two manuscript copies, one in London and the other in Istanbul (T. K. S., Revan, No 1310-of which microfilm was recently accepted by the Toyo Bunko, Tokyo). The portion of the work concerning the siege and its aftermath has been translated into German and annotated by Richard F. Kreutel (Kara Mustaf a vor Wien: das Türkishe Tagebuch der Belagerung Wiens verfasst vom Zeremonienmeister der Hohen Pforte). “Vekayi'-i Beç” is. supposed to be an official diary written by the anonymous Master of Ceremonies (tesrifatci) of the Ottoman court. Its eyewitness description reflects first-hand knowledge about the abortive Turkish siege of Vienna. Moreover, through the examination of this diary we shall be able to throw light on the military structure of the Ottoman state.

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