オリエント
Online ISSN : 1884-1406
Print ISSN : 0030-5219
ISSN-L : 0030-5219
18 巻, 2 号
選択された号の論文の17件中1~17を表示しています
  • 江上 波夫
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 1-13,159
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In a thesis presented to “Near Eastern Studies dedicated to H. I. H. Prince Takahito Mikasa”, I treated mainly archaeological features of a steatite vessel, allegedly found at the site of Susa, together with other analogous finds from Western Asia. Here I want to make a summary studies from the viewpoints of wider range on the formation of these kind of steatite vessels, transformation of their bas-relief decorations and the problems about their chronology and uses.
    The steatite vessels in question have three features fundamental and common to each other: no. 1. taking form of cylinder or cone with a wide mouth, no. 2. decorating the whole surface of the vessel wall with designs or figures in bas-relief, no. 3. material being mostly steatite, but rarely such similar stone as serpentine. With these fundamental and common features, the steatite vessels are quite distinct from other stone vessels of ordinary uses contemporary with or antecedent to the former ones in Western Asia. So this fact, together with their bas-relief figures which seem to represent religious symbols or mythological worlds, suggests that steatite vessels were used especially for ritual purposes or offerings by worshippers to temples. Their frequent occurrences at temple sites of early Sumerian periods may well support these inferences.
    The steatite vessels are classified in three main- and seven subtypes (A I, II; B I, II, III; C I, II), according to the components and elements of their figures and designs. 1) C I type is decorated only with designs which seem to originate from basketry made of such plant as reed or cattail, suggesting the form of the vessel itself came from reed or cattail basket. 2) C II type added a twisted rope design and/or building figures to C I type, the former design being interpreted as a sign of fertilizing water by some and the latter figures as those of temple by many scholars. Here we may recognize the first appearance of some religious elements in the steatite vessels. 3) A I type lost the basketry designs of C I, C II types, but left the twisted rope designs and/or the building figures of C II type, adding as the main decorative figures, something like mythological world where such wild beasts as goat, deer, bird and serpent, and human beings or gods in animal disguise, were represented quite freely and vividly in such chaotic positions and postures that A. Parrot called these figures ‘disorder series.’ 4) A II type the twisted rope designs and the building figures of C II, A I types and left only the mythological figures put more in order toward emblematic stylization. These mythological figures contain personified god of fertility with two serpents grasped in his hands as his symbols and two lions sitting in front of him as his attributes. 5) B type was characterized with figures of both doubled serpents and lions, being perhaps a kind of variation from the mythological figures of A I, II types. Here is none of personified god figure, but his symbol as doubled serpents in twisted form and his attributes as doubled lions outside the serpents show clearly symbolic existence of god relating to fertility, in these figures. But this B type is also sub-divided into two or three, B I being characterized with the serpents in sitting form, B II with those in standing posture and B III with most extravagantly developed figures of the doubled standing serpents and winged, crowned ‘Lion-bird’, which were represented on a large steatite vessel dedicated to the Ningišzida temple by Gudea of Lagash.
    So we can see the transformation of the bas-relief figures of the steatite vessels almost from the beginning to the end, the process must be C I→C II→A I→A II→B I, II→B III, which suggests a chronological order of the steatite vessels as well, and moreover the process of the development and configuration of ideas about Ningišzida god in figurative
  • 中島 健一
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 14
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 五味 亨
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 15-29,162
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    (I) Aus Raubgrabungen in Drehem (*Duraihim), wo das Zentrum der Verwaltung der Opfertiere in der Zeit der III. Dynastie von Ur lag, stammen viele Urkunden, die uns die Wiederherstellung der damaligen Verwaltungsorganisation in dieser ‘Stadt’ ermöglichen. Zu der Zeit bisweilen brachten hohe Beamte Tiere nach Drehem mit. Nach einer kleinen Urkunde Keiser, BIN III 13 (Š46 IV 18), wurden solche Tiere Göttern, Individuen oder é-ús-ga geweiht. Ihre Quelle ist ganz klar und unzweifelhaft durch Buccellati, The Amorites No. 8, das den Empfang der mu-tù-Tiere desselben Tages von einem dort unbenannten ‘Empfänger’-Beamten (wahrscheinlich Na-ša6) registriert, einerseits und auch durch die Phrase ‘mu-tù+Personennamen’ in jenem Text selbst andererseits. Im Gegenteil, bei einer anderen Art Ausgabe (sumerisch šu-gíd-é-MU), die in derselben Urkunde geschrieben ist, finden wir darin keinen Hinweis darauf, woher Tiere dafür kamen oder wer ihre Bringer waren. Um diese Frage zu lösen, vergleichen wir erstens die Zahl und Arten der šu-gíd-é-MU-Opfertiere in z. B. Salonen, PDT 168, Chiera, STA 36, Keiser, BIN III 13 usw. mit den, die de Genouillac, TD 5510, eine zi-ga (Ausgaben)-Urkunde von Ur-kù-nun-na, für die 5., 6., 18., usw. Tage des Monats angab. Daraus ist zu entnehmen, dass diese Person gewiss die šu-gíd-é-MU- und ba-ug6 é-kišìb-ba-šè-Tiere verwaltete. Auf dieselbe Weise war es dEn-líl-lá, der Rinder für die beiden Zwecke ausgab.
    (II) Dann haben wir eine neue Frage nach dem Verwaltungsorte solcher Tiere nach ihrem Empfang von Na-ša6 in Drehem bis zur Zeit ihrer Ausgabe. Das Dokument Or. 47-49, 10, wo es keinen Personennamen gibt, a ber an dessen Ende stehendr Satz ‘a-Šà-ta ba-zi’ bedeutungsschwer für unsere Frage ist, stimmt inhaltlich mit drei kleinen Urkunden Salonen, PDT 601 und 187 und Keiser, BIN III 49. überein In diesen drei heisst der Herausgeber Ab-ba-ša6-ga, der Na-ša6's Dienstnachfolger war. Dies lässt uns das Folgende als Sicheres herausziehen: die Tiere waren unter der Verwahrung von Ab-ba-ša6-ga und seinen zwei Uutergeordneten Ur-kù-nun-na und dEn-líl-lá in a-šà, von dem aus man sie je nach Bedarf herauszog.
    (III) Unsere dritte Frage besteht darin, aus was für Quellen der Tiereninfuhr das a-šà hatte. Drei grosse und kleine Urkunden AnOr VII 97 (AS 2 V 23), YBC 12560 (Hallo, JCS 14: 1960, p. 108, No. 3) und Langdon, TAD 46 (letzte zwei AS 2 V) bieten uns den Schlüssel zur Frage. Dass sie alle inhaltlich voneinander im engen Zusammenhang stehen, ist klar wegen der völligen Übereinstimmung der Rinderarten und -zahlen in YBC 12560 und in TAD 46. (Dabei ist noch ein Rind zu 35 Rindern in Rs6' der ersteren Urkunde hin-zugefügt zu werden, wie aus dem Vergleich der beiden Texte YBC 12560 und AnOr VII 97 klar wird.) Dies ermöglicht es, die Zahlen der Ziegen einigermassen zu modifizieren: grosse Ziegenböcke (mášgal), als deren Zahl der Schreiber von YBC 12560 zwanzig angibt, müssen nur eins sein; statt dessen werden die Ziegenböcke (máš) {91+(20-1)=} 110. Ferner ist die Vermehrung der Lämmer (174!) durch die Tatsache, dass sie am häufigsten dargebrachte Tiere waren, erklärt zu werden.
    Die solche Zahlenübereinstimmung oder Deutung der Vermehrung führt uns nun zur folgenden Entscheidung über Tierenquelle des a-šà: (i) weil es in YBC 12560 um mu-tù-Opfer von ensí und šab
  • 八木 立雄
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 31-46,166
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the legal documents chiefly from Nippur, we can find a fairly large number of loan texts. The scheme of them is in principle as follows.
    “An object (silver or barley) as a loan, with or without interest, from a creditor, a debtor has received (šu ba(-an)-ti). He will pay back it within a term. He has sworn this by the name of the king, in the presence of some witnesses.”
    This form is the same as that of the Old-Babylonian contracts called šubanti-type. In this article, I have investigated the loan texts of this type in the following points.
    1. The amount of loan. (Part III, Chart I.)
    2. The interest. (Part IV.)
    3. The term of payment. (Part V, Chart II, III.)
    4. The contracting parties. (Part VI.)
    5. The penal and other provisions. (Part VII.)
    Generally speaking, the fact that the debtor swore to pay back the debt within a term in the presence of witnesses seems to show that the contracts of this type were private. But this part was so often dispensed with that I cannot affirm that all the contracts of this type were private. Were the creditors acting as private individuals or as officials belonging to temples or other authorities? There is need of further investigation to answer this question.
  • 佐藤 進
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 47-48
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 柴山 栄
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 49-63,167
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    C. H. Gordon holds that the early Hebrews and the early Greeks share a common East Mediterranean heritage. We can find the parallels that form the core of his “Before the Bible” fit into a historical frame work in the wake of the Amarna Age during the closing centuries of the second millennium.
    However, it is quite true that prior to the Amarna Age (i. e. before 1400 B. C.) a kind of international order of commerce was formed to let Canaanite, Syrian, Mesopotamian, Anatolian, Aegean and the other cultures meet around the East Mediterranean. That is what we can make sure of according to Mari texts in the eighteenth century B. C.
    Mari texts tell us that such international order of commerce had been formed during the beginning centuries of the second millennium before the Amarna Age synthesis which Gordon called appeared.
    Some aspects of the common culture we notice in the areas mentioned above. Musical instrument “kinnaru” is one of them.
  • 森 茂男
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 65-79,168
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Herodotus (I, 107-122) tells us the interesting birth-legend of Cyrus, King of the Achaemenian empire. As is well known, this legend is one of the tales of an exposed child spreading widely throughout the Eurasian Continent, to be compared with the famous legend of Romulus-Remus in the Roman mythology. Its fundamental structure is summarized as follows;
    1) Birth of a divine hero.
    2) Exposure in the sacred place, e. g. a mountain or a riverside, etc.
    3) Exposed living there, or nursing by sacred animals.
    4) Finding and bringing-up by a sacred man.
    5) Return to the profane world.
    Also, from the point of his situation in the tale, we can find that it is constructed from the space structure, the profane placethe sacred placethe profane place, which corresponds to the essential structure of the initiation rite, deathexercise in the sacred spaceresurrection. Therefore, the tale structure may be shown as a functional relation;
    F(fable)=P1(profane)+S(sacred)+P2(profane), S=S1+S2
    In the tale of an exposed child, the most important problem would be why, in the spite of a baby, a hero has to be abandoned. Concernig to it, we should notice that a hero to be exposed is a baby being destined to become a king or a sage, and, on the other, his mother remains more or less the sacred character which is enough to make clear that she was a divine female such as a priestess, or a goddess in nature. From these facts, it is easy to recognize the reflection of the worship of the mother goddess and the young god, which bases on the structure, death of the young goddivine experience in the nether regionsresurrection. Needless to say, this is the same as the structure of the tale of an exposed child.
    In conclusion, we may safely say that this tale has its roots in the worship of the mother goddess and the young god.
  • 岩田 重雄
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 81-100,170
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this paper the author has classified and arranged sensitivity of mechanical precision balances which have been used for thousands of years and that of electric precision balances which have recently been developed, making them correspond to the years reckoned backward from A. D. 2000 taken as the basis, and analyzing the regression equation of the limit line of the relationship between maximum sensitivity and the above-mentioned years, obtained the following results:
    On the limit line of maxmum sensitivity lie the majority of precision balances made by people in the range of ancient civilization as well as by those in advanced countries. There is some likelihood that the ancient Orient is the birthplace of the balance. The First Industrial Revolution influenced greatly development of sensitivity of precision balances.
    After sensitivity of mechanical precision balances reached their theoretical limit, an electric precision balance making use of various electric phenomena was developed. For measurement of minute mass in future, electric precision balances with higher sensitivity will be developed.
  • ファーディ アブドゥール・アル, 杉 勇
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 101-107
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中田 一郎
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 109-118
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 119-121
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 121b
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 121c
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 121a
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 進
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 123-130
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小林 登志子
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 131-132
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中島 健一
    1975 年 18 巻 2 号 p. 133-134
    発行日: 1975年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
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