Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

The Canal-Work of the É-MÍ in Early Dynastic Period

Tohru Maeda

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 1-16,197
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_1

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The purpose of this paper is to study the canal-work of the É-MÍ “Queen's House” according to the following points:
1) Who is the supervisor on canal-work?
2) Where are the locations of the canal-work?
3) What are kinds of the canal-work?
4) What sort of men are the workers of the canal-work?
The texts of the canal-work are roughly classified into three types: gíd-, dab₅- and dù-type. The gíd “to measure” type texts may be written before working, for the purpose of measuring the points and sections where the canal-work must be done. The dù “to work” type texts may be written after working for certifying the completion of the canal-work. The dab₅ “to assign” which seems to include or continue the gíd “to measure”, its type text is only one in the Lagaš materials.
As the agents of these verbs (gíd, dù and dab₅) are, except the ruler himself in one text, all nu-bànda, the management of the canal-work of the É-MÍ is able to decided for one of the duties of nu-bànda.
In comparing the workers of the canal-work with the receivers of “še-ba lú-kur₆-dab₅-ba, ” it is clear that only lú-kur₆-dab₅-ba are engaged in the cana-work except two people (Ur-é-mùš, Lugalidigna).
The canal-work are done on many places, that is, e “canal”—the most times—, íd “river”, KU-KU “Staudamm”, nag-ku₅ “reservoir” and ù-tir“?”.
It is kinds of the canal-work that is al-dù “to dig with hoe”, šu-luh-ak “to dredge, ” and zi-du “to provide a canal with weirs.” These works are unusual and are rare.
Basing upon an analysis DP641, the canal-work in general denotes “to weed in a canal” and “to elevate earth from a canal”, which repeats itself in every year for the purpose of maintaining the irrigation systems of the É-MÍ.

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A Problem of the Usage of Ugaritic Verbs

focusing on 3m. pl. impf. forms

Yukiya Onodera

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 17-39,199
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_17

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It was as early as 1938 when A. Goetze pointed out the existence of tagtulu (na) verbal form in Ugaritic third masculine plural imperfect conjugation. But virtually all the scholars have done away with this phenomenon as “peculiarity” (e. g. C. H. Gordon), and have not dared to go any further.
If we read, however, the text of the Keret Epic carefully, it becomes clear that yagtulu (na) form, which has been universally regarded as the usual verbal form in 3m. pl. impf., does not occur at all. All the thirteen cases in 3m. pl. take the form of tagtulu (na). This finding by the present writer prompted him to investigate all the other Ugaritic material from this viewpoint. The result has been rather drastic. The y-preformative form in 3m. pl. does not appear in the Aqhat Epic either. All the eight examples are in the tagtulu (na) form. Only in the Baal and Anath Cycle and in other minor texts shows up the y-form a few times.
In order to explain this interesting phenomenon, one would have to take into consideration the fact that in Amarna Canaanite t-form is employed more frequently than y-preformative conjugation in 3m. pl., a fact first detected by Wm. Moran in 1951. At the same time, one should also pay attention to the situation of Classical Hebrew, where some examples of t-form appear, although to far smaller extent than in Ugaritic and Amarna Canaanite.
Based on the results derived from the considerations summarized above, the writer would like to propose some hypotheses as to the possibility of using tagtulu (na) form in 3m. pl. (1) as a chronological criterion to date groups of Ugaritic literature, and (2) as a clue to tighten the link which connects Canaanite dialects or as a clue to subdivide the Northwest Semitic languages in general.

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 40
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_40

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The Sophilos Mosaic from Thmuis

Masanori Aoyagi

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 41-52_4,200
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_41

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Among the existing Hellenistic Mosaics, the Sophilos Mosaics is of particular interest iconographically and has been mentioned by Rostovzeff, Brown and Robertson. However, there has not been a comprehensive treatment of the iconography and style of the Sophilos Mosaics. In this paper, the author has attempted a comparison of the iconography, style and dates between Sophilos Mosaic and other Hellenistic Mosaics from Pergamon, Delos, Pompeii and Arsameia.
The origins and development of the decorative motif called crenellation or “tours crénellées” as well as the double meander in perspective are investigated. The identity of the above two motifs is clarified and the results coincide with Brown's conclusions.
The motif of the personification of Alexandria on the “emblema” is compared to the “Alexander Mosaic”, “Herakles and Telephos” and other pieces excavated at Pompeii. This motif is proven to belong to the same artistic style that existed during the first half of the third century B. C.
From these two observations, the Sophilos Mosaic was probably executed around B. C. 200 while the original mosaics preceded it during the first half of the third century B. C.

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Ayadgar i Zareran (1)

Yoshitaka Shimizu

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 53-68,201
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_53

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Of 114 paragraphs of the Middle Persian epic literature, Ayadgar i Zarerdn, 1-50 have here been translated into Japanese. In spite of the penetrating treatment by H. S. Nyberg: A Manual of Pahlavi II, Wiesbaden 1974, not a few words remain still in doubt.
The existence of an older text prior to the text now extant can be inferred from various points of view. Among others, I should like to stress here syntactic inconsistencies shown in §§1-3 and §19. §§1-3: ‘When King Wishtasp with his own sons and brothers, royal families and attendants, accepted from Ohrmazd this Pure Religion of the Mazdayasnians and afterwards came to the Khiyon lord Arjasp the news that King Wishtasp with his own sons, brothers and royal families and attendants had accepted from Ohrmazd this Pure Religion of the Mazdayasnians, then to them (the Khiyons) came heavy displeasure.’ The consistency in this sentence has been interrupted by the preceding passage ‘This Memoirs which they call Zareran was written at that time’, because 'pad 'an gah ‘at that time’ would be out of place without the following phrase ‘when King Wishtasp with his own sons…’. See note (6). §19: ‘There in the Forest of Hutos and Zoroastrian Murw (Merw) which are neither high mountain nor deep lake, at that flat desert…’—In an older text the passage must have been ‘There in the Forest of Hutos and Z. Murw which are neither high nor deep but flat ('be hamon)…’where the correlative !ne …'be ‘not…but’ is still retained. Later, were inserted kofi, war and 'pad 'an dast i, the correlativity of 'ne…'be having been lost sight of. See note (16). My thanks are due to Prof. Gikyo Ito who has kindly placed his latest decipherments at my disposal, for example, §14: wištasp-šah wiheg 'bud ‘In King Wishtasp agitation took place or King Wishtasp became agitated.’ In view of wordformation, wihez-‘move’: wiheg ‘movement, agitation; moved, agitated’ may be treated in parallel with wirez-(wirextan) ‘flee, escape’: wireg ‘flight, escape’. See note (14).

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On the Conception of the “Mediator” in the Revelation of Mani

Umeo Sunaga

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 69-84,203
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_69

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We shall come across the Manichaean texts of the Middle Persian, Coptic, Greek, and Arabian. In these texts specially we find several words, Nrjmyg, SAIŠ Συζυγος, Tawm as the Mediator between the Father of Light and the Apostle (Mani). The six translations of these words is (1) Twin or Pair, (2) Familiar, (3) Double, (4) Companion, (5) Consort, (6) Angel. The texts about these words is the Middle Persian fragmentary texts “M49 II”, Coptic texts “Manichäische Homilien”, “Manichaean Psalm-Book” and “Kephalaia” and new Greek texts “Kölner Codex”.
From these texts I may conclude that the Twin as the Mediator of Mani was angelic. As to this conception of the Mediator there are some difference between his first and second revelation. Above all, in the period of the second revelation, the conception of the Mediator changed from Angel to Twin or Pair-Companion.
When he entered upon his mission, the so-called three books in the canon were already completed. He said to his disciples: “the Pragmateia, the Book of the Secrets and Book of the Giants are gifts bestowed (written) by the Twin of Light. Other books in the canon is the Great Living Gospel given by the Envoy and the Treasure of Life given by the Column of Glory.” Namely the two books was given by Mediators as Iranian “Manvahmed vazurg (the Great Nous)”, and came later.
Therefore the revelation in the three books and other both books each reflects the change of the religious thought of Mani. The former represents his early idea, the latter his later idea.
I may conclude that the conception of the Mediator in the revelation of Mani changed gradually from the Jewish Christian or Mandaean Gnosis to the Iranian Gnosis (Twin→the Great Nous.)

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Some Notes on the Arab Rosters of Egypt in the Early Islamic Period

Kosei Morimoto

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 85-110,204
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_85

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One of the most important institutions characterizing the early Caliphate was the system of diwan set up by 'Umar I. It had two aspects, i. e., one as a system of collecting taxes from the conquered peoples, and the other as that of distributing them, as pensions, to the Arabs. The latter is noteworthy because this system had influence not only on the Arab community but on the political, military and judical institutions in the Arab empire. In spite of this importance of the system, only the diwan of Medina established by 'Umar I has by now been examined and introduced to the scholarly world, no studies of those of the garrison towns (amsar) being available, except the case of Basra. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to shed light on the contents of diwiins which functioned as Arab rosters in Egypt, clarifying that they form the basic material of studies of the system of registration and pensions in the early Islamic Period. The first diwan of Egypt, including the names of 12, 300 to 15, 000 fighting men, was drawn up in A. H. 21, immediately after the Conquest. It is perceptible that three principles were adopted on the occasion of the registration: (1) to preserve the existing tribal groups as much as possible, (2) to reorganize tribes so that each group consists of a definite number of persons, and (3) to treat preferentially persons who contributed toward the expansion of Islam. As regards the second diwan drawn up by the governor 'Abd al-`Aziz b. Marwan, we have an important Greek papyrus from which we can infer the content of the diwan. This papyrus raises and answers many historical problems. For instance, the conclusion may be derived that unlike the common opinion of scholars, the use of Greek as official language before A. H. 87, when the Arab authority abolished it, was not restricted to the financial operations, but adopted for the registration of Arabs and the payment of pensions to them. Even if we admit that once the first diwan was drawn up in Arabic, it will not affect the above said conclusion.

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A Study of Gospodarlik

Hiroki Odaka

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 111-124,206
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_111

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Barkan and Inalcik (Turkish historians) incline to suppose that ciftlik is the only type of big farm formed through the collapsing process of the timar system (the main land system of the Ottoman Empire) and incline to consider gospodarlik as a local name (more especially in Bulgaria) of the çiftlik and to identify the former with the latter. Gospodarlik is one of the most unexplored fields of research in Turkey. The most comprehensive and well-documented study in Turkey on gospodarlik is H. Inalcik, Tanzimat ve Bulgar Meselesi (Ankara, 1943) that describes generally matters of gospodarlik up to the autumn of 1851, when Zarif Pasa proceeded to the vâlî's (governor) post of Vidin eyâleti (province) in northwestern Bulgaria.
On the other hand, Gandev and Kosev (Bulgar historians) maintain that there were distinct types of management among big farms. They regard gospodarlik as a feudal type and çiftlik as a capitalistic one. It seems that with regard to gospodarlik's management a slight difference of opinion exists among the historians mentioned above. Therefore, I suppose that there was a variety of çiftlik.
The main document introduced in this paper is Zarif's Lâyiha (memorandum) concerning gospodarlik. This document, bearing the date of 1852, is classified IRA, no. 15687, dâhilîye at Basvekâlet Arsivi (Archives of the Office of the Prime Minister) in Istanbul.
It is obvious that Inalclk deals chiefly with the method of gospodarizk's formation in relation to iltizam (tax farming) system, but his explanation of gospodar's (owner of gospodarlik) origin is not clear. Zarif maintains in his Lâyiha that the mutasarrif (possessor), who got a tapu (title deed) in return for some dues from the mültezim (tax farmer), became a gospodar. In the presesent paper, I try to present some problems concerning gospodarlik by dealing with gospodarlik as a type of various çiftliks and criticizing mainly Inalcik's view.

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On the Graphemic Analysis for the Study of Akkadian Language

Yoshinao Kobayashi

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 125-139
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_125

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A. Malamat, H. Tadomor, Yudaya Minzoku-shi (1) Kodai-hen (I), Japanese Translation of A History of the Jewish People (1) the Ancient Times (I), H. H. Ben-Sasson ed., by Tomoo Ishida, Rocco Shuppan, Tokyo, 1976

Takahito Mikasa

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 141-145
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_141

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Takashi Yoshida, From the Sumero-Babylonian Mathematics to the Greco-Roman Logistica (in Japanese), Fuji College Press, 1976

Shigeo Iwata

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 146-148
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_146

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W. C. Smith, Gendai ni okeru Islam, Japanese translation of Islam in Modern History, Princeton Univ. Press, Princeton, 1957 by Kojiro Nakamura, Kinokuniya Shoten, 1974

Takanori Morikawa

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 148-152
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_148

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Abraham L. Udovitch, Partnership and Profit in Medieval Islam, Princeton Univ. Press, 1970, pp. xii+282

Hiroshi Kato

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 152-156
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_152

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'Abd al-Ameer 'Abd Dixon: The Umayyad Caliphate 65-86/684-705, A Political Study, Luzac & Company, London, 1971, pp. xvi+222.

Nariaki Hanada

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 156-161
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_156

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Erratum to : On the Chronology of Ancient South Arabia

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 161
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_161

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[title in Japanese]

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 169-180
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_169

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[title in Japanese]

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 180-185
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_180

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[title in Japanese]

1976 Volume 19 Issue 2 Pages 185-186
Published: 1976
Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.19.2_185

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