Sarraj forms his mystical ladder of the seven “stations” (maqam) and ten “states” (hal). The stations are the ethical and ascetical disciplinary stages which are attainable by human efforts. The states are the spiritual conditions which are given to men only by Divine Grace.
The stations indicate progress in the following order: “repentance” (tawbah), “abstinence” (wara'), “renunciation” (zuhd), “poverty” (faqr), “patience” (sabr), “trust in God” (tawakkul) and “satisfaction” (rida). “Repentance” is the first stage because it means abandoning the former delusive way of life and turning one's face towards God. After entering the path of seeking God, the first and basic station is “abstinence” which means faithfully obeying the regulations given by God. The next “renunciation, ” which is a thorough form of “abstinence, ” is the total negation of all things except God. This eventually leads men to “poverty.” It is necessary for men to have a strong will to endure the severe circumstances which result from “poverty.” This is the stage of “patience.” This stage of “patience” necessitates “trust in God” which is a conviction that whatever circumstance he may find himself in is due to His Divine Will. When this stage or attitude of “trust in God” is carried to the extreme, the human will becomes unified with the Divine One. This stage is called “satisfaction.” Going through this process, man effaces his ego, so that he attains the stage of perfect passivity which makes possible the receiving of Divine Grace.
The states also indicate orderly progress with some exceptions. Each state expresses the psychological relationship with God. The presence of God is known through feeling, a feeling such as that of being watched (“Watching, ” muraqabah). As the feeling becomes stronger the “nearness” (qurb) of G od is felt. Next God is felt as two opposite feelings, “love” (mahabbah) and “fear” (khawf) at the same time. “Fear” is always combined (maqrun) with “hope” (raja'), and one cannot stand without the other. By combining “love” and “hope”, men passionately seek for God. This is the stage o “yearning” (shawq). After these passionate feelings, more tranquil feelings such as “familiarity” (uns) and “calmness” (tuma' ninah) appear. In this tranquil condition men can see God in their hearts. This state is called that of “contemplation” (mushahadah). The last and highest state is a firm conviction of being united with and becoming one with God. This state is that of “certainty” (yaqin), and it directly expresses the ultimate mystical experience.
In the general theory of mysticism, we can divide the mystical ladder into five parts, that is, (I) Awakening, (II) Purification, (III) Illumination, (IV) Union and (V) Unitive state. Putting Sarraj's theory into this classification, we may say that the station of “repentance” corresponds to (I) Awakening; those from “abstinence” to “satisfaction” correspond to (II) Purification; the states from “watching” to “calmness” correspond to (III) Illumination; the state of “contemplation” corresponds to (IV) Union; and the final state of “certainty” corresponds to (V) Unitive state.

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Two types of the crescent-shaped ornaments, a simple crescent and a crescent boding a small globe on its upper centre, first appeared in the earlier caves at Tung-huang and Yün-kan as decorating the front emblems of crowns worn by either painted or carved Bodhisattvas. Such ornaments of a foreign character reached China between A. D. 420 and 460, because they are never depicted in the cave No. 169 of Ping-ling-ssû _??__??__??_ dated by the legend written on the wall in the first year of Chien-hung, A. D. 420, while the cave temple of Yün-kan was opened in and after A. D. 460 where both ornaments were carved side by side.
In the line of the Sassanian crowns, as seen on the coins, Yazdegard I first adopted at the front of his diadem a crescent, which, then, Yazdegard II employed at the lower front of the globe. From this time on a set of the globe-on-the-crescent could have been transferred to crowns other than the Sassanians such as those of the Kidara Kushans and of the Chinese Bodhisattvas.
In China the Northern Wei emperor had officially accepted the first tribute of the Sassanian Yazdegard II in A. D. 455 and of the Hephthalites in A. D. 456. The actual documents which testifise these events were unearthed as dedicated objects such as the silver drachms of their issues put in the square limestone case bearing a legend which tells that the emperor Hsiao-wên _??__??__??_ desired to build a five-storeys pagoda in A. D. 481.
On the Sassanian crowns the crescent was adopted much earlier than the globe-on-the-crescent, but in China both were accepted possibly at the same time after the Northern Wei's conquest of North Liang in A. D. 439. Since there can be no evidence of such ornaments identified to the 5th century in the land between China and Sassanian lran, the above historical events permits us to suppose that the ornaments directly came to China from the Sassanian land just before the Yün-kan caves were hewn out.

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Mainly based on Mu'izz al-Ansab and Persian chronicles, the author concludes as follows:
1. The Chaku Barlas family sprang from Shirgha, the sixth son of Qarachar Noyan, the famous advisor of Chaghatai Khan.
2. For four generations after Qarachar, the family played no important roles in the Chaghatai Khanate.
3. The situation changed in the time of Chaku, the fifth descendant of Qarachar.
4. Since Chaku was one of the intimate companions of Timur even from the latter's bandit days, he was promoted to commander in chief and holder of the office of tuvachi in 1370 when Timur established himself as master of Mavarannahr.
5. An analysis of the list of high officers in 1370 shows a fact that people were promoted to high offices not because of their tribal bonds with Timur, but because of their personal services rendered to Timur.
6. After Chaku the members of the family held in succession such high ranks and offices as amir al-umara', amir-i tuman and tuvachi in the courts of the Timurids and were in possession of fiefs in Northern Afghanistan, Azerbaijan and Fars.
7. In that sense, we may call Chaku the founder of a new aristocratic family in the Timurids.

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The Avesta Yašts, which constitute the earlist part of the Younger Avesta, comprises numerous uninteligible passages. Yašt 5, 11:13 are typical hymns having such passages.
Parallel passages are observed between Yt. 5, 11:13 and Yt. 10, 125 (a hymn to Mithra), that is to say, ahmya vaše vaz_??_mna (Yt. 5, 11) with ahmya vaše vazante (Yt. 10, 125), and caθwaro vaštara spaeta vispa hama. gaona_??_ho (Yt. 5, 13) with caθwaro aurvanto spaeitita hama. gaona_??_ho (Yt. 10, 125), although they have been rejected or ignored by many Iranists. The dual form, hama. nafaeni berezanta taurvayanta, (Yt. 5, 13), which shows the very contradictory grammatical feature in context, seems to be a formula in the non-Zoroastrian original Yašts. Therefore, the agents of the verb, taurvayanta, are not caθwaro vaštara “four drawing-animals, ” but two gods suggested by the dual form. The above two evidences, I think, reveal the close relation between Anahita and Mithra. On the other hand, Anahita was also worshiped as the bestower and the guardian of kingship as well as Mithra in ancient Iran, and such function of Anahita is known by several passages in Yast 5, the inscriptions of Artaxerxes II and other evidences in West Iran. Moreover, considering the dual form of Yt. 5, 13 and Herodotus' famous misunderstanding about Iranian Aphrodite, Anahita (I, 131), we could not deny the possibility that both of them were united into a pair.
I suppose St. 11 sings a pair of gods, Mithra and Anahita, driving the chariot, and St. 13 comprises the fragments of two different hymns, one depicts Anahita's four drawing-animals, the other the combat against daevas by them. Yt. 5, 11: 13 would be the remnant of the lost hymns dedicated to Mithra-Anahita. If we accept Christensen's theory that, imitating the Avestan language, Median magi converted to Zoroastrianism composed Yašt 5, we may say that the original text of Yt. 5, 11:13 was the part of θεογουιη, so-called Median version of Yašts.
My translation of Yt. 5, 11:13 is as follows;
St. 11: Who (the male god, i. e., Mithra), the first, drives the chariot, gripes the bridles for (driving) the chariot; (Anahita) driving his chariot, …
St. 13: Whose four drawing-animals (are), white ones, all of one colour. (Two gods, Mithra and Anahita) of the same family, high ones, overwhlmed…

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Fana' and baqa' are two of the most important technical terms in Sufism. Fana' is generally defined as “dying to one's selfish ego (nafs)”, and baqa' as “surviving by receiving the divine Life after fana'”. I would like to elucidate how fana' and baqa' are related to each other in Rumi.
In order to attain to fana', it is required to concentrate one's self on God. In this process, the world as that of Multiplicity is regarded as something to renounce. At the moment of fana', God makes one's self die, then there is nothing but God. It is the realization of the Unity of God. However, the symbol of the transformation of a stone into a ruby denotes that the death of the self is immediately the transformation into the fundamental Self. The death of the self, the realization of the Unity of God and the appearance of the Self may take place at the same moment of fana'. I think that fana' is, in principle, or in the most authentic mode, simultaneous with baqa'. But there remains a problem. Though most mystics usually feel intoxicated at the moment of fana', some of them may come to enjoy and anticipate such a mysticll feeling termed “hal”. To remain. in hal may be regarded as the false mode of fana', in the stage of which man affirms his self in a wrong way, in other words, he does not die out. Such a man does not open his eye onto the world.
To surpass the false mode of fana' is to become utterly one with God in Love and to enter into the world (baqa'). The return to the world in the attainment of baqa' marks the purest oneness of man with God. Rumi expresses such a pure oneness between God and the man in baqa' by the term of “the One ness with Light” (ittihad-i nur). It implies the two aspects of baqa'; that of the purest oneness between God and man, and that of the so-called “second separation” (farq-i thani). Since one who attains in baqa' has died to his self, baqa' preserves an aspect of fana' in itself. In Rumi, baqa' means twofold; to live the eternal Life, and the survival of the bodily existence. Accordingly, fana' also means two fold; the Non-being of the fundamental Self, and the death of his self. Needless to say, each pair of twofold meanings, respectively, points to the one and same situation.
If we consider the relation between fana' and baqa' from the viewpoint of Rumi's idea of “the New Creation” (khalq-i jadid), both terms are closely related to each other not statically but dynamically. Baqa' means, first of all, to live the eternal Life, and the Eternal is ever the Present or at the Moment, therefore, a mystic in baqa' lives the eternal Life at every moment. That would be possible only by dying at every moment (fana'). Moreover, he does realize such a fundamental fact. In regard to the other meaning of baqa', the survival of the bodily existence, it cannot be continuous. It must be the continuity including the discontinuity within itself. Since a mystic in baqa' realizes the discontinuity, he can experience a new “state” or “present” (hal), which is not like that of the day before, every day.

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Es geht Zuerst in dieser Abhandlung um eine strukturelle Analyse von sog. Hebammenperikope (Ex. 1; 15-22), die gemeint ist, in dem zweite Buch Mose eine Kleine Einheit zu bilden, und danach motivgeschichtliche Untersuchung.
Erstens analysieren wir grammatisch den gegebenen Text: wie folgt, 1) Verse von 16 bis 19 entstehen aus drei “wayyo'mer + wörtliche Rede”, durch die in dieser Perikope dramatische Höhepunkt ausgedrückt wird. 2) Bei der Korrelation von Verben, deren Subjekt Hebammen ist, und Verben, deren Subjekt König ist, hat sich herausgestellt, daß die Handlungen der Hebammen vielseitig sind, während die des Königs auf einigermaßen einseitigen Bereich weisen. 3) v. 21a ist im Hinblick auf die Satzbildung v. 17a ähnlich, obwohl jener für v. 21b, der die Mehrung des Volkes beschreibt, nur einleitende Vers ist. 4) Der Unterschied von mwt (töten) in v. 16b und šlk (werfen) in v. 22b ist entscheidend; denn šlk betont hay^e' orah (in den Fluß).
Zweitens müssen wir Erzählungselemente dieser Perikope beschreiben: wie folgt, a) Namen der Hebammen (v. 15b), b) Verlangen des Königs (v. 15a, 16), c) Gottesfrucht als Begründung (v. 17a), d) Ausweichen der Hebammen (17bc), e) Befragung des Königs (v. 18), f) Ausrede der Hebammen (v. 19), g) Wohlsein der Hebammen (v. 20a), h) Volksverstärkung (v. 20b, 21), i) Ankündigung (v. 22).
Nun drücken {b, d, e, f, g, i} die Funktionen der Charaktere dieser Erzählung aus. Und zwar bezeichnet die Gegenüberstellung von b:d oder diejenige von e:f ein Funktionpaar, und g zeigt Endfunktion. {b/d, e/f, g} bilden Einheit; folglich ist {i} die andersartige Funktion, die die anfängliche Situation der folgenden Geburtserzählung Moses (Ex. 2; 1-10) bestimmt. Und wir nehmen diese sechs Funktionen als unveränderliche Zahlen an.
Volksverstärkung (h) deutet die Folge (↓) an, die das Ausweichen der Hebammen gewann, und gibt zugleich dem König Anlaß (↑) zur Ankündigung. Daher legen wir h für das Verbindungsmoment aus, das {b/d, e/f, g} mit {i} verbindet. Dazu ist c beweglichste Element, das Erzähler gegen ein andre Element leicht auswechseln kann. Element a (Namen der Heldinnen), das nicht immer für die Entwicklung der Hebammenerzählung wesentlich ist, zeigt veränderliche Zahl.
Die Erzählung {b/d, e/f, g} thematisiert die Weisheit von Hebammen. Wenn Elemente c and a dieser Erzählung eine spezielle Nuance geben, dann thematisiert die Hebammenerzählung die Gottesfrucht von Heldinnen.
Aus dem, was wir oben gesagt haben, läßt die Struktur dieser Erzählung sich schematisieren: wie folgt, a+c {b/d, e/f, g} ↓ h ↑ {i}.
Drittens Können wir in der Verkündigung der Gottesfrucht ein ganz außergewöhnliches Anliegen des Elohisten (E) erblicken. Daher gehört Element c (Begründung), dessen Leitwort yr' (fruchten) ist, zu der Quellenschicht E. Nebenbei gesagt, begegnet Wortpaar rbh-'sm nicht allein beim Verbindungsmoment h, sondern auch bei der Abrahamsüberlieferung usw. Es ist uns jedoch unmöglich, es auf bestimmte Quellenschicht festzusetzen.

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It is being recognized by some scholars that the method for studying the Gospels must be re-examined today. The same situation is found in the study of the sacred books in general, but the problem seems to be concentrated in the study of the Gospels, because of their special character and the remarkable development in the study of them since the beginning of the 20th century. The purpose of this paper is to point out this problem by reflecting the methods up to now and suggest the coming subjects.
The historical-critical method has made it possible to analyze the Gospels into small traditions, and many propositions have become the hypotheses as a result of it. Then, on the other hand, such a method often permits to adopt unconsciously a simple frame for the interpretation of the history. What appears as the frame, is a formula of the evolution of a formula of the devolution. Both formulas are essentially the same. In the first place, it must be questioned whether the adoption of these formulas is adequate for the scientific study.
The sources of the new methods, which are used by some scholars in the recent Bible studies, are the structuralism and the sociology of the literature. These methods surely explain the important phases of a part of documents and traditions at least. But, as a whole, they only supply the historical-critical method at present, and the priority of the historical approach in the Bible studies has not been changed. Therefore, in spite of questions, the historical approach is obliged to be continued also in the study of the Gospels. Nevertheless, it must be observed in taking the same method that the historical occurrences can be related each other, though they cannot be united in a simple formula. Then thestudy of the Gospels will have a position as a fundamental work in the study of the history of the early Christian literature. The point, which is remarked there, is not only the content but also the literary type as the Gospel.

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The documents referring to the operation of the land for barley crops which belonged to ‘dam-ensí’ or ^dBa-ba₆ were so much diversified than those of the barley-ration (še-ba) and barley-delivery (še-gar ziz-gar) that any comprehensive point of view regarding these sorts of dacuments has not been carried through up to now.
The present writes, then, in this paper, has tabulated 195 documents on which the name of field was mentioned with regard to some agricultural operation, and on which the historical date was fully recorded or of which we are somehow able to assess the date, in order to afford a foundation for finding out of a comprehensive point of view. Each of 195 documents makes one item of the table with the tablet-number (Ex. DP 601) in the first place, the key-word of the tablet at the right end, and other characteristic words below them. These 195 items are classified in four main groups, three of which are classified into Deimel's three categories (nig-en-na, Kur₆, and APIN·LAL), and they are arranged chronologically.
The accuracy of the chronological assessment of so many tablets (i. e. the items with *, **, *? at the right shoulder of the tablet-number on the table) would be the key to the success of this table and it would be secured by appearances of personal names, their combinations and the rhythm of the occurance of each field's name, especially at the first year of ensí and the first year of lugal under Urukagina.
The following three matters could be drawn as the direct results of this tabulation. (1) The inference that the cultivated land of ‘é-mí’ or ^dBa-ba₆ should be operated really by Deimel's three categories. (2) The facts that the documents relating to the operation of ‘níg-en-na’-land are overwhelmingly more numerous (134 among 195 tablets; that makes a little over two-thirds) and much more diversified in the sorts of documents than the other two. The operation of ‘níg-en-na’ land was one of the central problem of the land-system of ‘é-mí’. (3) The increase of reliability of the chronological supposition that the sixth year of Enentarzi should belong to the same calendar year as the first year of Lugalanda, and the seventh year of the latter same as the first ensí-year of Urukagina.
The successful framing of this sort of table would contribute to the application of the concept of ‘agricultural year’ or ‘agricultural cycle’ as a comprehensive point of view to these documents, together with more than forty lists of the chronologically arranged agricultural informations by field's name which the writer is preparing.

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