imy-r i^c3ww (overseer of i^c3ww) is the title of the officials who played very great roles in the Sixth Dynasty's Policy towards Nubia. But, there are different opinions about the characters of i^c3w (plural i^c3ww) and of imy-r i^c3ww.
The aims of this paper are to consider their characters and roles in Egypt-Nubia relations in the Sixth Dynasty Period, and by doing so, to suppose the nature of the Sixth Dyasty's policy towards Nubia.
The results are as follows:
(1) i^c3ww means ‘Egyptianized Nubians’, who originally were the descendants of the captives taken to Egypt from Nubia by some military expeditions before the Sixth Dynasty Period.
They worked as the intermediaries between Egyptians and the natives of Nubia.
(2) The main duty of imy-r i^c3ww is to gain from the natives of Nubia the southern products, and cooperation including the offer of soldiers, by way of the dealings including barter.
His activity was assisted by his followers, namely i^c3ww.
(3) The main objects of the Sixth Dynasty's policy towards Nubia are to gain the southern products easily from the natives of Nubia, and to make use of them as human resources, by way of the comparatively peaceful rule.

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Jalal Al-e Ahmad (1923-1969) can be said to have lead a typical life as one of the intellectuals of his age. He was born of a clerical family in Tehran, graduated from the teachers' college, joined the Tudeh Party in the 1940s and also participated in the oil nationalization movement in the early 1950s, then retired from all political activities, and finally came to find his national identity in Shi'ite Islam.
He has been famous not only for his fictional works but also for the socio-political essays, especially Gharbzadegi (Westoxication). In this essay he analyses the situations of 1960s' Iran in terms of four opposing elements; 1) the West vs. the East, 2) the government vs. the religious establishment, 3) cities vs. villages, 4) Westoxicated intellectuals vs. conventional Islamic priests with uneducated people.
Through this analysis we can see his penetrating eyes on the modern Iranian society which has been suffering from Gharbzadegi. In order to cure this disease, he proposes, the Islamic priests and the intellectuals cast away their prejudice on each other, awake to the Iran-Islamic national identity, and cooperate for the social reform. He believes that both the leadership of the priests in the society and the administrative ability of the intellectuals are indispensable for a democratic government which holds the idealism of Shi'ite Islam.
Although the image of his ideal society is vague by the confusion of his socialistic ideas with Islamic nationalism, his idealism has been inherited by young religious nationalists to be one of the most influential ideology of the Islamic revolution in 1979.

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In this paper I would like talk about the meaning of offerings to the statue of Entemena who was a ruler in Lagash during the E. D. III period. After his death his statue received offerings in DP 55 belonging to the níg-giš-tag-ga texts. Besides his statue those of Urnanshe, Lugalanda, Barnamtarra and Shagshag also received offerings. It is a noteworthy fact that the statue of Shagshag, wife of Uru-INIM-gi-na, received offerings from Shagshag herself in DP 54. I have investigated the royal inscriptions and the administrative archives so that I can indicate the following:
I. In the níg-giš-tag-ga texts that recorded offerings to deities, temples, “material things” containing statues and so on, mainly for festivals, there is not human being at all. In those texts rulers and their wives are the people that offered to deities rather than were worshipped.
II. In the en-en-né-ne texts that recorded offerings to ancestors there are Enentarzi, Lugalanda, Parnazntarra and so on, that is, they were the departed spirits, not deities. Those texts don't refer to statues at all so that they are not related to ancestor worship.
III. The royal inscriptions of Lagash in the E. D. III period hardly refer to statues of deities. Did rulers actively make their own statues for royal worship in spite of making a few deities'?
IV. Now there are two prayer statues of Lagash in the E. D. III period that belong to Entemena and Meannesi who was a son of Enannatum I. The inscriptions carved on the statues account for why rulers made those, that is, they were made to pray to deities for a long life and were dedicated to temples.
V. When Sumerians distinguish deities from men, they prefix the “divine determinative”=dingir. On the royal inscriptions of Lagash in the E. D. III period, none of rulers prefixed it to their name.
There is no evidence that confirms the identity of the statue of Entemena in DP 55 with that on Corpus, ENT. 1 or ENT. 16. But Entemena may have made some prayer statues besides the above mentioned, so that one of them may have become that in DP 55. I guess that the prayer stautue of Entemena was deified after dedicating it to temple and that offerings were dedicated to statues, not rulers. Therefore, I think royal worship was not adopted in Lagash during the E. D. III period.

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Winter festival of Iran begins at the winter solstice. Fire festival and water festival follow forty days and twenty days later respectively. After one month does the spring festival come. It is the spring festival that liberates people from fast and leads them to the new order. The clown, appearing at this critical moment, plays the role of helping the transition of the world from the old order to the new and from death to rebirth.
Two major roles of the clown are:
(1) to announce the end of winter and the coming of spring with the drama of death and rebirth (Haji Firuz, Kuseh, etc.).
(2) to take the office of the king temporarily and to re-establish the royalty (Mir-e Nouruzi, etc.).
In addition to the above two, the fact that the clown presented himself at the various time of the year is indicative of the historical shifts of the New Year's Day. Further study in this direction will contribute, it is hoped, to the clarification of the complicated calender system of Iran.

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