After the death of Sultan ‘Ala’ al-Din Kayqubad I, his eldest son Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw ascended the throne against his father's will and his supporters became powerful in Rum Saltanat of Saljuq dynasty. Among them Sa'd al-Din Köpek seized the greatest power and killed the late sultan's Ayyubid wife 'Adiliya, Kamal al-Din Kamyar, parwana and atabeg of Kaykhusraw, putting such persons in prison as the two sons of 'Adiliya, Qaymari the Kurdish chief, and Qayïr Khan the leader of Khwarazmian soldiers. These political events mean that the influence of the late sultan Kayqubad was to be removed during the first two years of Kaykhusraw's reign and as a result Kaykhusraw's Saltanat lost its military power.
Then in autumn of 1240 the revolt of Baba happened in the basin of Euphrates and soon reached to the central parts of Anatolia. Rum Saltanat's troops were defeated four times and unable to suppress the revolt, while they were successful in capture of its charismatic leader Baba Ishaq Khariji and put him to death in Amasiya. The final battle was fought in the desert of Maliya near Qïrshahr and the followers of Baba, most of them Turkman nomads, were annihilated together with thier families and livestock. After the painful victory over the revolt of Baba, Kaykhusraw's Saltanat became more active than before in its military phase against the Khwarazmians and the Ayyubid maliks in Diyar Bakr.
From the historical point of view the revolt of Baba was not the prelude to the approaching Mongol invasion, but its disastrous end led to the establishment of Kaykhusraw's power in Rum Saltanat.

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The Persepolis Fortification texts, which cover the period from the 13th to the 28th year of Darayavau- I (509-494 B. C.), are very helpful source materials for elucidating the management of horses in the possession of the royal household.
The Persepolis public administration of this period showed positive concern about control of horses. They were an indispensable factor in organizing and maintaining the far-flung empire.
The Fortification texts record that horses were fed with barley fodder. Each adult horse consumed 3-10 QA of barley per day, and each foal 1-3 QA. These texts refer to the extra ration of grain, wine, beer and other food products, amount of which is much smaller than that of the regular daily ration.
The public administration assigned the men called mudunra horses for official affairs, and stationed the mudunra men in grazing land near the districts where horses would be more frequently needed. The mudunra men were engaged in taking daily care of horses, by themselves or with their assistants. In order to meet the changing demand for horses, the public administration sometimes moved the mudunra men and the horses under their charge to other areas. Evidently the mudunra men played a key role in establishing the effective system for the use of horses as the means of traffic and communication.

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Al-Husein b. Muhammad b. 'Ali al Ja'fari ar-Rughdi or simply known as Ibn Bibi after his mother, many times uses the term of “ilkhan” in his Anatolian history of Al-avamir al-'ala'iyye fi al-Umur al-'ala'iyye.
Carefully examining the uses of this title in the faximile of the unique Istanbul manuscript, the author of this paper concludes that Ibn Bibi called by this title Törege Khatun, Ögedei's wife and regent after his death. So, the meaning of this term would not be “the subjugated khan”, but “khan of the people”, because the other title of this regent was “Ulus Beg”, which means “the lord of the state”.
Accordingly, Hülegü's title of “il-khan”, when he assumed this title about after twelve years, would mean also “the khan of the people”. This regental title should not be maintained after the conversion of Ghazan-khan so this word was omitted from the legend of his coins as well as his soccessors, just like another inscription of “khaghanu nereber (by the order of the khaghan)”, which was turned into “Möngke tengrin küchündür (in the strength of the eternal Heaven)”.

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We find 20 sentences of the hardening-motif in the Book of Exodus 4-14. They consist of three kinds of sentences, namely, 6 sentences of kbd-motif (7; 14aβ, 8; 11aβ, 28aα, 9; 7bα, 34b, 10; 1bα), 2 sentences of qsh-motif (7; 3a, 13; 15aα) and 12 sentences of hzq-motif (4; 2lb, 7; 13aα, 22bα, 8; 15bα, 9; 12aα, 35aα, 10; 20a, 27a, 11; 10bα, 14; 4aα, 8aα, 17aα).
The 6 sentences of kbd-motif are contained in the Story of Plagues (Ex. 7; 8-10; 27). Among them, 8; 28aα, 9; 7bα and 9; 34b are the center of grammatical structures and narratives, and two types of poise, that is, change of mind and stubbornness. Those who read the sentences of kbd-motif think of them, recalling the meaning of kbd. The word “kbd” means being heavy, making heavy, bringing association of the derivative noun, glory, especially the glory of YHWH. Thus the readers recognize that Pharaoh laid weight on his own mind rather than the glory of YHWH, and so he could change his mind easily or become stubborn.
The 2 sentences of qsh-motif are both written in Direct Speech, and from narrative part of Aaron's staff (7; 8-13) to that of slain of the firstborn in Egypt, they are placed at the beginning and at the ending. 7; 3a shows the cause of “sign and wonders”, which YHWH gives to the Israelites. 13; 15aα tells the cause of the slain of the firstborn in Egypt (13; 15aβ), whom YHWH killed. The readers of the sentences of qsh-motif, recalling the meaning of qsh, read the narrative of Pharaoh who was made stubborn by YHWH. The word “qsh” means to treat hard, reminding the readers understand that the plans of God YHWH, namely God's sign and wonder, are hidden in the severe circumstances brought out by Pharaoh's stubbornness.
The 12 sentences of hzq-motif are placed in the overall story of Exodus 4-14. When we observe each of the change of the descriptive sentence of hzq-motif, its preceding sentence and the following sentence, their narrations turn greatly from 9; 35aα. The contents of hzq-motif sentence change from Pharaoh's becoming stubborn to YHWH's making Pharaoh stubborn, the contents in the preceding sentence, that is, from Decaying Egyptian magicians to Pharaoh's becoming weak, and the contents in the following sentence, from Pharaoh's refusal to listen to Moses and Aaron to his refusal of their going out of the country: the narration changes thus. At the same time this change shows that the conflict between Pharaoh and his followers and Moses and Aaron moved to the conflict between Pharaoh and his followers to YHWH. The readers of the sentences of hzq-motif, recalling the meaning of hzq, read the change of narrative. The word “hzq” means to be (-come) strong and to overpower. Therefore the readers know from the change of narration above, that as Pharaoh's mind becomes the stronger, he becomes more and more against YHWH, and at last YHWH overpowers Pharaoh.

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It is generally admitted that the coming of Ayatollah Ha'eri in 1921 to the city of Qom was the decisive event for its expansion as a religious city. This does not necessarily mean, however, that the significance of the city began only at the time. The city of Qom had already been an important religious center during the nineteenth century, not only as a great Imamzadeh (i. e. that of Fatemeh, Hazarat-e Ma'sumeh), but as a developing city for religious study.
In this process crucial was the patronage, whether material or spiritual, by the Qajar kings and courtiers. True, innumerable constructions and repairments of religious buildings had been done in this period, which helped rehabilitate the city inwardly as well as outwardly. At the same time the royal patronage had the reason on its own. The rulers needed the legitimacy for their reign over the country, whose subjects were mostly Shi'ite believers of Twelver Imami school, so badly that the peaceful relationship with the religious force was indispensable. Thus the relationship between the state and religion was rather friendly and mutual.
Despite of this, it is contended that in Twelver Imami Shi'ite tradition, there exists a constant friction between state and religion, based on the doctrine that during the Greater Occultation of the Twelfth Imam, every secular ruler should be regarded as illegitimate and usurpatory.
In this paper the author demonstrates that as far as Qom in the 19th century is concerned, the above contention is not the case, but on the contrary, material support by the kings and governmental figures was an essential factor for the development of the city.

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Selim I's expedition against the Mamluks during 1516-1518 resulted in the extinction of the Mamluk Empire and the establishment of the Ottoman Empire as an Islamic universal empire. This event left enormous effects on the history of the Middle East. However there are rather few studies on this subject.
As for the early condition of the ancient Mamluk lands under Ottoman rule, a document which is preserved in the Topikapi Sarayi Archive and numbered D 9772 is one of the most important source materials.
It is a list of the livas (sancaks) and sancakbeyis of the Ottoman Empire. Prof. Ömer Lütfi Barkan published it and dated it Sevval 927 H—Receb 928 H. Though, according to Prof. Miroglu, Dr. Dündar Aydin re-dated it A. D. 1517 in his dessertation in 1972, most of Ottomanists have been still accecpting Prof. Barkan's conclusion.
Here I tried to date the document D 9772 more exactly. My conclusion is that it reflects the location of sancaks and sancakbeyis just after the large scale appointments on 26th Ramazan 923 H. With this new fact, I will try to re-examine the process of Selim's attempts to reorganize the ancient Mamluk lands under the new Ottoman system in this article.

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As is known well, the theme of Bistun inscription is the justification of the kingship Darius I the Great obtained, but the structure upon which his narration is based seems, in spite of the importance, to have never been discussed sufficiently. It is, I consider, shown as the following chain of ‘motifemes’;
‹Affirmative Situation I›: ‹Occurrence of Negative S.›: ‹Negative S.›: ‹Previous Anouncement›: ‹Battle›: ‹Affirmative S. II›.
The structure is identified with that of epical tales found out frequently in the Shahnama of Firdausi, the theme of which is the change of kingships from a previous king to a new one (ex. Faridun, Ardasir, Manucihr and so on). This also means that the tale structure owened in common with some epical tales limits and constructs the narration of Bistun inscription. This conclusion may throw some light on the problem if Darius is a usurper or not.

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