オリエント

11～12世紀シリア地方社会の裁判官 -トリポリとジャバラの場合-

佐藤次高

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 1-16
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_1

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Some Coastal towns of Syria during the 11th-12th centuries were headed by local qadis (judges) who had acquired independence from either Fatimid, Seljuqid, or Byzantine rule. These urban states have been the objects of serious research by such scholars as Cl. Cahen, E. Ashtor, A. Havemann and U. A. Tadmuri. But as for the period when qadis lost their independence, few references are made to their role in Muslim urban life. The cases of Tripoli and Jabala, because of ample information, may provide us with a means to better our understanding of local qadis in medieval Islamic societies.
During the years 1066-1070 the qadi office of Tripoli was established by Amin al-Dawla, a Shi'ite jurist of great reputation, from the 'Ammar family. Jabala also had a wise qadi named Mansur, who managed the judicial affairs among Muslims under Byzantine rule. His status (Ra'is Jabala) was inherited by his son, Ibn Sulayha, who maintained independence against the pressure of the Seljuqids until the arrival of the Crusaders. Ibn Sulayha, faced with a strong siege by the Crusaders, was forced to transfer sovereignty to Tripoli; but another qadi, Ibn al-Naqqar, then continued to manage judicial affairs in Jabala. Even under the Crusader rule from July 1109, Jabala was administered by an influential qadi named Mansur b. Nabil, who succeeded afterwards in delivering the town to Saladin.
These instances reveal that the qadis of Tripoli and Jabala managed these municipalities even during the periods when towns lost their independence. We may therefore evaluate positively the role of local qadis before the Ottoman period, a time when they came to be organized more systematically into that empire's provincial administration.

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近代イランにおける宗教と政治

タバコ・ボイコット運動 (1891-92年) とウラマー

佐藤規子

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 17-33
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_17

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the actual role of the Shi'i ‘Ulama’ in the Tobacco protest of 1891-92 in Iran. The protest was an unprecedented mass movement against the concession of tobacco monopoly granted by the Iranian government of Qajar dynasty to an English company, and the ‘Ulama’ of the Twelver Shi'i Islam played the leading role of the movement.
This paper depends mostly on many kinds of Persian historical materials concerning the Tobacco protest such as telegrams and letters exchanged between the ‘Ulama’ in Iran and the Shi'i holy city of Iraq, and so on. These materials were collected in the book entitled “Tarikh-e Bidari-e Iranian (History of the Awakening of the Iranians)” written by Nazem al-Eslam Kermani, an Iranian Intellectual, who actually participated in the Protest.
In the previous studies about the role of the ‘Ulama’, there has been a tendency to analyze it from the view point of modernism. This paper attempts to clarify it with special consideration on the Religious institution, Marja-e Taqrid (the source of supreme examplar) institution in the Twelver shi'i Islam.

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シリア東北部ハブール川上流域の先史遺跡調査

西秋良宏

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 34-53
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_34

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The headwaters of the Khabur river, northeast Syria, consist of a large fertile basin, which enjoys rich water resources. Previous archaeological investigations in the basin have been largely restricted to Chalcolithic and early Civilization sites, leaving earlier sites almost entirely unexplored. As part of the French-Japanese survey project led by Bertille Lyonnet (CNRS), two seasons' surveys were conducted in 1990 and 1991 in order to shed new light upon the earlier prehistory of the Khabur basin.
The surveys produced numerous prehistoric sites dating to as early as Lower Palaeolithic. The prehistoric sites in the basin show an interesting chrono-spatial distribution pattern. Particularly common are sites belonging to the Middle Palaeolithic and the Pottery Neolithic, while no Upper-and Epi-Palaeolithic sites have so far been identified. Lower and Middle Palaeolithic sites are situated on higher wadi terraces or hill slopes, and Pre-Pottery Neolithic sites are on the terraces along the Khabur. Pottery Neolithic sites are, on the other hand, found in various environments such as the lowland steppes, river/wadi terraces and hill slopes. Explanation for this phenomenon should be sought in a combination of many factors including change in land-use, subsistence, environments, and even post-depositional disturbance that might have occurred in the prehistory.

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16～17世紀のアラビア語エジプト方言

大英図書館蔵ゲニザ文書Or. 7768を資料として

西尾哲夫

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 54-73
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_54

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purpose of the present paper is to make a linguistic analysis of the Judeo-Arabic manuscript Or. 7768 preserved in the British Library, which belongs to the so-called Cairo Geniza collection. This manuscript contains two versions of purim mitzrayim (Purim of Egypt or Cairo) written in Hebrew and Arabic, the latter, of course, using the Hebrew characters.
According to the parameter of the phonetic correspondence between Hebrew letters and Arabic sounds which each letter stands for, Judeo-Arabic documents can be roughly classified into four periods; i) Early Judeo-Arabic (8C.-10C.), which is written in Early Vulgar Judeo-Arabic Spelling; ii) Classical Judeo-Arabic (10C.-15C.), which is written in Classical Judeo-Arabic Spelling; iii) Later Judeo-Arabic (15C.-18C.), which is written in Later Judeo-Arabic Spelling; and iv) Modern Judeo-Arabic (19C.-). The language of the manuscript in question basically belongs to the third variety of Judeo-Arabic, but shows many linguistic features characteristic of Classical Judeo-Arabic (Spelling).

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ヤアーリバ朝における通商活動とイマーム

福田安志

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 74-92
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_74

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The Portuguese tenure of Muscat came to an end in 1650 by the assult of Arabs. After the expulsion of the Portuguese from Muscat, the acute hostility between the Omanis and the Portuguese continued. The Portuguese fleets came to Muscat to destroy the Omani navy. The Omani fleets were dispatched many times by the Imams to attack the Portuguese vessels and to raid on the Portuguese settlements in India, the Persian Gulf and East Africa. Thus the frequent conflicts between them lasted approximately till 1739 when the Portuguese had lost their power in the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea.
The main reason why the Omanis maintained or even increased their enmity against the Portuguese was that the commercial operations of the Omanis were being harassed by the Portuguese. After the capture of Muscat by the Imam Sultan b. Sayf I, the Omanis embarked in maritime trade and then Muscat became main entrepot for the Persian Gulf trade. But untill the first half of the 18th century, the Portuguese were attempting to maintain their control on the native maritime trade in the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf. Since the Portuguese considered the growth of the Omani commercial operations as a serious threat to the Portuguese control on the native trade, they tried to prevent the Omani trade.
The Imam Sultan b. Sayf I and his successors organized the naval expeditions to remove the Portuguese pressure on their trade and to discourage the Yemeni and Persian trade activities, which gave the Imams the leading role in the Omani maritime operations. In the beginning of the 18th century, the Imams had nearly 30 naval vessels which they employed as merchant ships in time of peace. Thus the Imams established themselves as the leading mercantile power in Oman.

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シュメール初期王朝時代末期におけるラガシュ市のエンシ権とルガル権

前田徹

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 93-109
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_93

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The rulers of pre-Sargonic Lagash usually took the royal title ensi, except for Ur-Nanshe and UruKAgina whose royal title was lugal. However, there are records in the royal inscriptins that among them, Eannatum, Enannatum and Entemena, were given the kingship title (nam-lugal) by the gods, not the rulership title (nam-ensí). On the face of it this seems to reveal a discrepancy. But I will try to show it is reasonable to distinguish between the two titles by examining the phrases immediately following the phrases which granted them kingship in their royal inscriptions.
The lugalship given by gods in the period before UruKAgina designated the ruler's capability in military activities. This military capacity is one function among many belonging to the ensiship of Lagash. The lugalship in this period was regarded as a sub-function of the superior ensiship. It was never the reverse, although the lugalship in the advanced stage of UruKAgina's rule, a comtemporary of Lugalzagesi, the king of Sumer, was clearly superior to the ensiship.

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オスマン帝国ジャーナリズム事情 (1831-1908)

石丸由美

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 110-124
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_110

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イランの教科書にみられる政治的権威の構造

桜井啓子

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 125-139
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_125

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本田実信著『モンゴル時代史研究』東京大学出版会, 1991年

碧武昭男

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 140-148
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_140

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Richard Breitman & Alan M. Kraut, American Refugee Policy and European Jewry, 1933-1945. Indiana University Press: Bloomington, 1987, 310pp.

奈良本英佑

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 149-155
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_149

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古賀幸久著『イスラム国家の国際法規範』勁草書房, 第三世界研究シリーズ, 1991年, vii+186+vi頁, 2163円

堀井聡江

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 156-163
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_156

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紹介

小川英雄

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 164-165
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_164

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紹介

小川英雄

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 165-166
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_165

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紹介

後藤明

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 167-172
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_167

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第33回大会

1991 年 34 巻 2 号 p. 175-195
発行日: 1991年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.34.2_175

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