Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan
Online ISSN : 1884-1406
Print ISSN : 0030-5219
ISSN-L : 0030-5219
Volume 36, Issue 2
Displaying 1-16 of 16 articles from this issue
  • Matahisa KOITABASHI
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 1-17
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The terms which we can identify as musical instruments in the Ugaritic texts are knr “lyre”, tlb “pipe”, msltm cymbals” and tp “hand-drum”. There are some other terms alleged as musical instruments in Ugaritic texts such as the terms rimt “cow-instrument”, mrqdm “castanet”, 'd “lute” and nbl “strings-instrument”. But these identifications remain problematic.
    We find that the the term knr “lyre” is deified in Ugaritic texts. So it is possible to say that lyres had a special divine power in Ugaritic rituals. We can see that a drum and cymbals were used in the exorcistic ritual for curing a sick man in ancient Babylonia. It is possible that string instruments were used in some kinds for magic or in some rituals for manipulating the gods' feelings in the ancient Near East. It may be said that the lyre's magical practice for manipulating the gods' feelings was a motive for its deification in ancient Ugarit.
    In the Ugaritic personnel list we can find mslm “cymbalists” together with šrm “singers”. So it is possible that cymbals was an important musical instrument in the Ugaritic kingdom related to religious rites. In the passage of KTU 1.3:I:18-22 it seems that cymbals was an indispensable instrument in this Baal ritual for the celebration of Baal's sovereignty.
    The terms tlb “pipe” and tp “hand-drum” occur in the King List of Ugarit. Perhaps they were used in an invocation of the deified kings.
    We can find in the the other Semitic languages the cognate terms as the Ugaritic knr, msltm and tp. As for the Ugaritic knr, we can identify the same root not only in the Semitic language but also in the Hittite, Egyptian and Greek languages. This fact might be evidence for cultural contact in the ancient world. Since these instruments mostly occur together with the verbs *šyr or bd which denote “to sing” in Ugaritic, instruments were used mainly to accompany vocal music.
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  • Kyoko YAMAO
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 18-33
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Among the Twelver Shi'i doctrines, there is the idea of the ghaybah (occultation) of the twelfth Imam, which was incorporated into them as the consequence of the dispute over the successor to the Imamate after the death of the eleventh Imam, Hasan al-'Askari (d. 260/874). Even before that, however, many other Shi'i sects had claimed the ghaybah of their Imams, in order to vindicate the legitimacy of their own leaders. By reason of this fact, many Twelver Shi'ites at that time attempted to change the existing ghaybah theory into a more appropriate form for their own Imam. It seems to have taken almost two centuries for them to establish their own form of the ghaybah theory since the death of the eleventh Imam.
    Kitab al-Ghaybah by al-Nu'mani (d. 360/970), one of the Twelver Shi'i traditionalists in the 10th century, has place in the earlier years of this two centuries' attempt. In this paper, the author compares Nu'mani's understanding of the ghaybah with that of al-Kulayni (d. 329/941) in his Usul al-Kafi. She first shows the difference of their ideas of the ghaybah, which is to be explained as the result of their different historical settings. Secondly, she clarifies the scholastic efforts of al-Nu'mani to adapt the idea of the ghaybah to the circumstances of his contemporary Shi'ites.
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  • Hiroyuki YANAGIHASHI
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 34-48
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    La tendence extrêmement formaliste du droit hanafite rend le plus souvent difficile d'interpréter ses solutions positives. Cette difficulté est aggravée par le fait que les premiers juristesn'en expliquent pas les motivations.
    Voici deux exemples qui en fournissent une bonne illustration.
    (1) En matière de responsabilité délictuelle, certains des hanafis, ne reconnaissant que difficilement comme étant établi le lien de causalité entre le fait dommageable et la conséquence mauvaise, ne font encourir aucune responsabilité à celui qui a ouvert le cage, au cas où l'oiseau qui s'y trouve s'enfuirait.
    (2) En ce qui concerne la vente portant sur un corps certain, les hanafis ne permettent pas à l'acheteur de disposer de la chose vendue avant qu'il n'en ait pris la livraison, car le vendeur ne détient pas la chose en tant que mandataire de l'acheteur, ce qui rend impossible, sur le plan juridique, la livraison immédiate de la chose au second acquéreur.
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  • die Unfehlbarkeit der islamischen Gemeinschaft und der maslahah-Begriff im Mittelpunkt
    Satoe HORII
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 49-66
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Neben der sick entwickelnden Rechtspraxis strebte die islamische juristische Erkenntnislehre (usul al-fiqh) danach, alle aus der rationalen Tätigkeit abgeleiteten Bestimmungen auf die ganzen heiligen Texte (nass) zurückzuführen und zwar ihnen ein Höchstmaß an Autorität zu geben. In diesem Zusammenhang erhebte der Konsens der islamischen Gemeinschaft (ijma') Anspruch auf die traditionelle Beweiskraft wie Qur'an und sunnah. Dabei wurde sein Mangel an traditionellen Gründen durch eine rationale Argumentation ersetzt, die sick auf die Unfehibarkeit der islamischen Gemeinschaft stützte. Dann durch die theoretische Ordnung der spekulativen Erforschung (ijtihad) führte “Unfehibarkeit” zur weniger willkürlichen Erstellung richtiger Bestimmungen. Hier möchte ich eine Verbindungslinie zwischen dem Wohl (maslahah), das ihnen von ijtihad gewährleistet wird, und der Begründung des Konsens ziehen. Das wird auf Grund der Literaturen folgender Authoren im 10-13 Jahrhundert untersucht: Al-Sarakhsi, 'Abd al-Jabbar, Abu Husayn al-Basri, Al-Juwayni, Al-Ghazali, 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Bukhari.
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  • Aliya, Settlement and Relation with Sephardim
    Akira USUKI
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 67-82
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The aim of the article is to survey Jewish immigration to Palestine (Aliya) from Yemen, Yemenite settlement in Silwan near the old city of Jerusalem, and their separation from the Sephardi rabbinate in Jerusalem. The article relies upon recent studies on this subject written in Hebrew.
    The first mass Aliya of Yemenites in 1882 (called 'Aliyat Tarmab according to the Jewish calendar), which was coincident with Bilu's Aliya, that is, the first Zionist Aliya, has been ignored in Zionist's historiography. Recently academic endeavors have been made to explore early history of Yemenites in Jerusalem before World War I, as well as Old Yishuv in general.
    Yemenites immigrated to the Holy Land, motivated mainly by the messianic aspirations, but found themselves disappointed in difficult situations in Jerusalem. Most of them remained too poor to find their accommodations. Israel Frumkin (1850-1914), editor of ha-Vatzelet, the second Hebrew magazine in Palestine, gave assistance to poor Yemenite immigrants so as to settle them in an Arab village, Silwan (Shiloah in Jewish history), which had been the main community center of Yemenites until the Arab Revolt of 1936.
    When Yemenites immigrated, they were under the patronage of the Sephardi rabbinate which was recognized as the sole Jewish representative, millet, in Jerusalem by the Ottoman authorities. But later they differed with the Sephardi rabbinate on problems such as Haluka (charitable funds from abroad to Palestine) and Balad Askari (Tax for exemption from conscription), finally to separate as de facto independent kolel (a Jewish community in Palestine from a particularcountry or town) from the Sephardi rabbinate in 1908.
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  • Akira TSUNEKI
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 83-99
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Yoshihiro NISHIAKI
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 100-119
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Ken MATSUMOTO
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 120-138
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Junko KIKUCHI
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 139-146
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Akihito IIJIMA
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 147-165
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Tomoyuki MASUDA
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 166-179
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Kaori KOMATSU
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 180-206
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Kiminori NAKAMURA
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 207-211
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Toshio MATSUTANI, Manabu FURUYAMA, Yoshimasa CHIYONOBU, Tatsundo KOIZU ...
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 212-240
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Akira GOTO
    1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 241
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • 1993 Volume 36 Issue 2 Pages 244-266
    Published: 1993
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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