One of the most dramatic developments in recent Indo-European studies is the increase of data written in minor Anatolian languages: Palaic, Cuneiform Luvian, Hieroglyphic Luvian, Lycian, Lydian, etc. These languages had little more than names a few decades ago compared with rich documents in Hittite. The increase in the database has, however, led us to a position where all the Indo-European languages of ancient Anatolia will contribute to the reconstruction of Proto-Anatolian.
In this paper an attempt has been made to show that the Proto-Indo-European contrast between *d and *dh was still preserved at the stage of Proto-Anatolian. This assumption is based on different reflexes of *d and *dh before *i in daughter languages. The Hittite ablative ending -za corresponds to Coneiform Luvian -ati, Hieroglyphic Luvian -ati, -ari and Lycian -adi, -edi. Similarly, the Hittite reflexive particle -za corresponds to Palaic -ti, Cuneiform Luvian -ti and Hieroglyphic Luvian -ti, -ri. The spelling of intervocalic -t- in Cuneiform Luvian and rhotacized r in Hieroglyphic Luvian, among others, suggest that these minor Anatolian forms include Proto-Anatolian *d. On the other hand, Hittite 2 sg. imperative ending -t, represented by it “You go!” which perfectly corresponds to Sanskrit ihi and Greek 'ιθι (<*h₁i-dhi), and a particle -ti attached to Old Hittite preterite middle endings (<*-dhi; cf. Sanskrit -mahi and Gathic Avestan -maidi <*-ma-dhi) do not show assibilation. These two kinds of correspondences can be best explained by assuming that Proto-Anatolian had notmerged Proto-Indo-European *dh with *d.
It should be noticed that the view presented here is not conclusive yet and needs further investigation in many respects.

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In this article one Manichaean Sogdian fragment is edited. Two old dry plates of the fragment, which was further broken into two pieces, are preserved at the Department of Oriental History, Kyoto University. Although the present whereabouts of the original is not known, circumstances suggest that it once existed in Japan, and that the photographs were made for the late Professor Toru Haneda of Kyoto University, who had a reputation of being a good decipherer of old manuscripts unearthed from Central Asia.
From its contents and handwriting it can be proved that the fragment immediately precedes the so-called “Job Story” published by W. B. Henning (BSOAS 11, 1945, 485-87). The combined text spends all 50 lines (11. 28-50 being a ‘Job Story’) expounding vanity and impermanence of earthly life and bears strong similarity to the “lament for impermanence” found in the Chinese Manichaean hyannscroll 11. 83-119. One excerpt will illustrate this. Compare the following Sogdian passage with line 102 of the hyninscroll.
(26) … rty cnn ZKw pryw ZY cnn šyrxwz-'k ZY ZK (27) xwtm wxsty c'nkw ZY ZK r'δch ZY ZKw (xw'kkr'k?) ky ZY kβnh (28) (')z-mnw ''wx'n'yt 'skw'nt ZY ZKw 'nw'štk rty pts'r yxw'y'nt (29) (x)w 'yw cnn δβtyk w'nkw 'PZY xwy'r ZK 'yw δn δβtyk L' wyn'nt “He will be separated from his loved ones, friends and relatives like travellers and merchants who stay together for a little while under the same roof, but later separate from each other so that they do not meet each other easily.”
_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_/_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_/_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_/_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_“The temporal relations of a family, which are mundane truth, How far do they differ from that of staying at a traveller's inn? Masses of persons stop and rest together for a night; In the morning, they separate and return to their own lands”, cf. Tsui Chi, BSOAS 11, 1943, 185.
Such hapax legomena and rare words as δxšt'k “ripe”, prkwxs “swaying”, and 'pw ptspnyh “vanity?” found in the text make the fragment intriguing also from the philological point of view.

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The historian Hafez Abru (died in 1430) of the Timurid Dynasty period wrote the historical work Magma' al-Tawdrix (“Historical Collection”), which consists of four parts. In the tribal records of the third volume of this work, information concerning the history of the Timurid Dynasty, which cannot be seen in other historical materials, has been confirmed. This paper will discuss and analyze a manuscript of Magma' al-Tawdrix containing nine tribal records concerning the Timurid Dynasty, which is kept in the library of the Topkapi Saray Museum of Istanbul. As a result, it is clear that Hafez Abru wrote the tribal records in the year A. H. 829 (1425/26), with the following two types of tribes in mind:
(1) tribes which have marital relations with the Timurid family
(2) new tribes of the 14th century formed from various Mongolian tribes

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Yemen is the southern region in the Arabian Peninsula. The Rasulids [626-858/1229-1454] was one of the flourished dynasties in Medieval Yemen. They succeeded in gaining control of most Yemen, from Hadramawt to Makka. In their realm Zabid was the central city which situated on the Tihama facing the Red Sea. A number of Madrasas were constructed by them in Zabid as well as in many other towns and villages. These Madrasas were built and maintained through waqf allocation. The ‘ulama’ in Yemen gathered on Zabid to study Islamic sciences. Their construction of Madrasas has two purposes. First, they wanted to show their legitimacy to subject Yemen to their rule. Secondly, they aimed to expand their own Sunni authority against the Zaydi shi'is, who were throughout the northern Yemen.

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The present study is a tentative classification of the so-called secondary roots (vis-à-v is primary roots) in Modern Hebrew. After a survey of internal structure of words and word-formation types, secondary roots are classified according to two criteria, i. e., how and from which source they are formed: 1) extension of primary roots: 1.1) reduplication of the first radical, 1.2) reduplication of the third radical, 1.3) reduplication of the first and third radicals, 1.4) reduplication of the second and third radicals, 1.5) addition of š, 1.6) addition of t, 2) extraction from (nonverbal) stems: 2.1) whole extraction (extraction of all the consonants of a stem), 2.2) aphaeretic extraction (extraction of all the consonants but the first), 2.3) apocopic extraction (extraction of all the consonants but the last), 2.4) extraction with partial reduplication (extraction of all the consonants with the reduplication of the last), 2.5) extraction with whole reduplication (extraction of all consonants reduplicated altogether), 2.6) extended extraction (extraction of all the consonants plus v/j).

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Many cookery books were compiled in the medieval Islamic times and thirteen of them were already indicated by Ibn al-Nadim (d. ca. 387/995) in the Fihrist. Although their importance as historical sources has been recognized, they have been a generally neglected subject of study.
My main purpose of study of the Arab cookery books is to describe food availability and dietary life in the medieval Islamic period and to explicate the changes of dietary life under the constant influence of the various factors of political, economical and cultural activities. In this paper I intended to clarify their general character and to point out the strong textual similarities among eight books.
As a result, it can be claimed, they were compiled as one of adab Literature. All those authors who compiled cookery books before the 11th century were on intimate terms with Abbasid caliphs in the courts in the capacity as physicians, musicians, bureaucrats and scholars; the authors who compiled them after the 13th century, on the other hand, they belonged to the urban society as the people of the educated class (khassah) like 'ulama's, jurists, scholars and poets. It alludes to the emergence and development of an urban high cooking after this period.
Arad cookery books were, generally speaking, compiled with the aim of defining “the healthful diet (al-sahih min al-at'imah)” in accordance with the Islamic law and medical science. As for their contents, a wide variety of subjects are taken up; proper kitchen practices, the nature of various kinds of food stuffs, table manners and preparations for breads, condiments, preserves, sweetmeats, drinks and so on.
The comparison of contents of eight cookery books reveals that these cookery books can be divided into four “extended families”.
(1) Books that drew information from al-Warraq's work which was written around the end of the 10th century
(2) Books that are strongly parallel with al-Baghdadi (d. 637/1239-1240)'s work
(3) Books of which a number of recipes of preparations closely parallels those of Ibn al-'Adim (d. 660-1262)'s work
(4) Books which were compiled in Maghrib-Andalus in 13th century Despite the similarities among those cookery books, each of them serves as a totally independent source with new information which reflected the social and economical conditions of the areas where they were compiled.
In sum, Arab cookery books are important sources for the study of medieval Islamic societies in general.

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The mystical speech in its proper sense is created only through real, profound mystical experiences which mystics with innate unyielding character have in a dynamic tention between God and themselves. Under the social oppression in the Iranian cultural environment were Persian mystics obliged to interprete their unconventional speech into metaphor without any social contexts.
The present paper examines the significant properties of the metaphorical expressions found in a Persian metaphysical poem, Golshan-e raz, composed by an Azerbaijan mystical philosopher Mahmud-e Shabestari (d. 1320).
In the historical perspective of Persian literature, it can be said that this work does not only present the doctrine of the Unity of Being in a poetical manner, but also shows the malamatiye tendency, especially in its intentional usage of a series of blasphemous words (e. g., kofr, bot, kharabat, etc. ) of anti-Divine Law (shar'). Those ideas and expressions have widely been disseminated by certain malamatiye mystic groups in some Persian mystical poems since the 12th century.
In this paper, from the standpoint of intellectual history, special attention is paid to the analysis of the paradoxical system of opposites seen in this work that Shabestari deliberately inherited from a Persian mystic, 'Ein al-Qozat-e Hamadani (d. 1131), who had articulated this paradoxical, dialectical discourse in an attractive way in his Tamhidat.

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There are two main themes about land problems of the Ottoman Empire. From the 19th century to 1940's timar system was most popular subject of study in the frame of Islamic feudalism. But now many scholars are interested in iltizam system and çiftlik.
For all that, there are still unsolved problems about timar system in the scope of the political formation of the Ottoman Empire. This system was not fixed but flexible with regional and periodical variations owing to the political needs.
In the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire grew up an Islamic Empire with its vast territory. In the newly conquered lands, a special land system was putted in force. For example, the mâlikâne-dîvânî system, which is a special timar system, was carried out in Eastern Anatolia. By the analysis of two cadastres about Malatya region, BA 387 (1519/20) and TK 142 (1560), the number of villages where the mâlikâne-dîvânî system in charge (table 1) and the proportion of mâlikâne revenue to the total tax revenue (table 2) suggest that mâlikâne-dîvânî system was step by step changed to the normal timar system during 40 years of the reign of Süleyman I.

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Naguib Mahfouz is a world-famous novelist of Egypt. He is widely known with his social novels set in modern Egypt. His first three novels, which are set in Pharaonic Egypt, have not been studied enough so far. They are works loyal to the so-called ‘Pharaonicism’ which characterized the national literature of Egypt in the twenties of this century. The national literature was itself a new trend to give a literary expression to ‘the territorial nationalism’, or the orientation toward a nation-state. Consequently, these three works of Mahfouz are not negligible for understanding the nature of ‘the territorial nationalism’ and why this movement rapidly receded into the background in the thirties.
First of all, loyal to the Pharaonicism, Mahfouz presents the ideal image of Egypt, particularly in terms of the relationship between the rulers and the ruled, in Pharaonic Egypt. This ideal image is the very image of Egypt for which Mahfouz strives. At the same time, he never fails to covertly criticize the social corruption and injustice in the real society of Egypt. However, ‘Pharaonicism’ itself has its own limitations. As Pharaonic Egypt has never been symbolic of anything positive for Egyptians until its historical value was recognized by western scholars, it cannot contribute to the legitimatization of the new ideal image of Egypt.
Secondly, ‘the territorial nationalism’ was supported mainly by western-educated intellectuals such as Mahfouz. The most serious problem for them in propagating their thought was how to communicate with the masses. The gap between these two groups of people was almost unbridgeable in those days. In these ‘Historical Works’ of Mahfouz, the masses are described as faceless and particularly as a group of people easily maneuvered by men of religion.
These works of Mahfouz shed light on the weakness of the western-educated intellectuals calling for ‘the territorial nationalism’.

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The myths of the people of ancient Iran contain references of many animals and among them the horse is of particular importance. In mythological terms, the horse appears as the symbole of the warrior class. In the beliefs of the people of ancient Iran, the connection between the horse and the warrior was related to the ambiguity of the horse. In the Avesta, this is shown by the use of -aspa (horse) in proper names and in the opposition of the white horse and the black horse.
Studies in ethnology show that the horse is frequently connected with deities of the wind. It is not unusual, for example, for a horse to serve as a sacrifice to the deity of the wind. In the Avesta, too, passages hinting at the ties between horses and the wind can be found. In Zoroastrianism, wind possesses opposing qualities. Vayu, the god of wind, presents a clear duality. The twin Mainyus of good and evil reside in Vayu, like Zurvan.
Wind is the demarcation between life and death, situated between this world and the after life, as demonstrated in the Haδoxt Nask and the Aogemadaeca. The horse, too, represents the character of being this boundary or being situated in the between. This point can be seen in the horse as a metamorphosis of Verethraghna as well as the Gushnasp fire venerated during the Sassanian dyansty. The proof for the tie with the boundary is the prayer on horseback frequently mentioned in the Avesta.

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In dieser Arbeit wird die Beschreibung der Entwicklung frühhellenistischer Kampfdarstellung versucht. Es wird sich zeigen, daß diese Entwicklung von der klassischen Zeit bis zum Hellenismus einen einheitlichen, konsequenten Charakter besitzt. Es wird anderseits immer versucht, die Entwicklung in Zusammenhang mit der historischen Situationen zu bringen. Erwähnt werden drei größte Barbarenkriege, nämilich der Perserkrieg im fünften und vierten Jht. v. Chr. und der Galaterkriege im dritten Jht. v. Chr. Die Kampfdarstellung scheint immer das Bewußtsein der zeitgenössischen Griechen über ihre eigene Identität gegenüber die Barbaren widergespiegelt zu haben.
Zuerst wird die frühhellenistische Darstellung, der Perserkrieg-Fries des großen Grabes von Leukadia, beobachtet. In diesem Fries ist bei fast jeder Zweikampfszene die Überlegenheit der Griechen gegenüber den Barbaren stark betont ausgedrückt; der Sieg der Griechen wird demonstrativ vorgeführt. In einer Amazonomachie des fünften und vierten Jhs. v. Chr. wurde ein solcher Kontrast niemals so klar dargestellt: in klassischer Zeit ist die Szene, die die Niederlage einiger Griechen wiedergibt, immer bewußt neben der Niederlage der Amazonen dargestellt. Auch wenn wir das Thema der Perserschlacht in Betracht ziehen, finden wir, daß dieses Gleichgewicht während der klassischen Zeit im wesentlichen beibehalten wurde.
In der ersten Hälfte des dritten Jhs. v. Chr. hat sich die Tendenz nach der Demonstration des Sieges weiter entwickelt: in der Kunst wurde ein bestimmtes Schema gefunden, das durch die Nebeneinanderstellung der Sieger-Besiegte-Komposition völlig anders als in klassischer Zeit aufgefaßt wurde. Dargestellt ist in der Folge nicht die eigentliche Kampfszene sondern die Bestrafung durch die Sieger. Als die typische Beispiele dieses Darstellungstyps werden der Kyzikos-Stele und der kleine Amazonomachiefries am Parmeniskos-Stele aus dem dritten Jht. v. Chr. angeführt.
Was die Ursache dieser allgemeinen Veränderung und der Entwicklung der Kampfdarstellung in der frühhellenistischen Epoche angeht, ist vor allem mit der Einführung des neuen Themas der Galatomachie nach der Invasion der Kelten im Jahre 277 v. Chr. als einem konkreten Anlaß zu rechnen.

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In regard to the Pirenne Thesis, a study should be made on how the medieval system was established and its relationship to late antiquity of Egypt. Accordingly, in this paper, the focus was on daily wares dating back to the Byzantine and early Islamic periods. The region, which most typically reflected the socio-economic system in Byzantine Egypt could be the Alexandria and Mareotis waterfront regions. Archaeological relics from Kellia show that these regions were characterized by the distribution of two kinds of Byzantine wares. One is “Late Roman C·D Ware” produced in Asia Minor and Cyprus, and could be a reflection of the Byzantine control of the Alexandrian market. Another is local ware, so-called “Abu Mina Group”, which can be divided into two groups, amphorae and pilgrim flasks, that are thought to reflect the economic and religious aspects of the region.
From the topographical point of view, the network of Lake Mareotis and many canals, sustained the Mareotis region where the daily life, wine and olive production, fishing, etc. flourished in the Roman-Byzantine period. Coptic religious factors also seemed to effect the circulation of those daily wares. Therefore, Mediterranean cultural factors and local factors compounded the assemblage of relics and formed a mosaic patchwork in this region. This may be typical socio-economic aspect of late antiquity in Egypt.
How Islamic influence has changed this system is not clear yet, but recent archaeological evidences indicate that from around the 9th century, some ceramics influenced by the Nubian culture prevailed, and if these ceramic wares were transported along with gold, emeralds and slaves, it can be recognized that a new “Islamic network” was established as its historical background and that the medieval lifestyle was completed around the 10th century, in the Fatimid period.

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