This paper describes some linguistic features of Akkadian administrative texts written with certainty in the city of Emar, i. e. the texts bearing a name of one of the kings of Emar. Emar Akkadian had plural sources which are distinct chronologically and geographically. Thus the resulting linguistic system exhibits archaic/innovative and Babylonian/Assyrian traits side by side. Another salient feature of Emar Akkadian is simplification found in its writing system, morphology and syntax. Besides, a unique formation of primae Alef Š iprus as well as some unique syllabic/logographic values and lexical items are attested in Emar Akkadian.

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The so called “Necropolis Journal” is a day-by-day record of Necropolis workmen at Thebes. Thus, the study of this kind of documents is important in understanding their administration.
In this paper I would like to focus upon one single typical text, the Papyrus Greg, which had long been unpublished, although it is well-known to the Egyptologist. Now, however, Prof. Kitchen's Ramesside Inscriptions contains a hieroglyphic transcription with a few textual notes. The document is now easily accessible. In these circumstances a comprehensive study of the Papyrus Greg (as well as the whole study of “Necropolis Journal”) has not yet appeared so far.
In this present discussion we deal with two points concerning this Papyrus and the “Necropolis Journal”; To what reign does the Papyrus Greg belong? Some scholars believe it was written in the reign of Ramesses III. We can read regnal year 5 to 7 in the Papyrus Greg but the king's name is missing. We take special notice of the “gap” in this papyrus. If this papyrus was written in the reign of Ramesses III, we must suppose that about 12 months' entries of the recto and 13 months' entries of the verso are missing and must suppose a divergency of a month in the entries of the same length gap (between recto and verso). After considering the contents, we arrived at the conclusion that we cannot assume the existence of the gap—there is no gap. And this papyrus belongs to the reign of Siptah/Tawsert. After discussing the dating of the Papyrus, we went on to investigate how to locate and understand the Papyrus Greg in the whole range of the “Necropolis Journal”.

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Textual criticism of the Hebrew Bible is often described as requiring both “scientific” and “artistic” qualities in balance. However rigorously one conducts the weighing of essential data of manuscripts and witnesses and accounts for variants by textual principles, it is impossible to prove scientifically every textual decision one makes; it is particularly frustrating when one faces equally probable variants of MT, LXX, and the Qumran evidence, where any preference for one reading or another is arbitrary. This paper will argue that, in such a case, knowledge of early biblical interpretation can equip textual critcs with additional means to grade such ancient variants.
For the proposed study I will use exegetical material from rabbinic and Second Temple texts to help determine what is a pristine reading and what are scribal variants. In particular, choosing a problematic biblical account of David and Bathsheba's incident, I will focus on textual variants of LXX (Lucianic and non-Lucianic readings), Targum, MT, and 4QSam concerning three specific parts of 2Sam 11: 2, 4: 1)_??__??__??__??__??_2)_??__??__??_3)_??__??__??_. Examining how these parts determine the understanding of the story as a whole in midrashim, a Talmudic discourse, Josephus' Jewish Antiquities, and the Damascus Document, and suggesting specific concerns of early biblical exegetes about these parts, I will try to show how the concerned variants address themselves to these exegetical concerns. In this way, the study proposes to determine the degree of tendentiousness in each variant, which will be a guideline to sort out a superior reading.
Thus, the paper will not only stimulate fundamental thoughts as to the present practices of textual criticism but also expose the richness of early biblical interpretation of the biblical account in the exegetical problems as well as the solutions.

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The 10th century, when Neoplatonism was introduced into early Isma'ili cosmogonical doctrines, was a turning point for Isma'ilism. The early Isma'ili cosmogoincal doctrines were what should be called “Isma'ili Myth, ” which varied according to each Isma'ili thinker, but had some common gnositic tendencies. For example, in that myth the angelic being falls from heaven because of its own error and it emanates this world like Demiurge of Plato.
In the 10th century, Isma'ili mythical cosmogony was greatly philosophized by Persian Isma'ili thinkers, especially Abu Ya'qub al-Sijistani. The structure of al-Sijistani's cosmogony looks similar to that of Plotinus, which is controlled by three Hypostates, that is, God, Intellect ('Aql) and Soul (Nafs). But Isma'ili Myth did not become extinct in the philosophized cosmogony, because in that system, too, al-Sijistani's Soul plays the role of the Falling Angel in the Isma'ili Myth.
In the 11th century, Hamid al-Din al-Kirmani introduced not the Plotinian cosmogony used by al-Sijistani but the Farabi's cosmogonical system made up of Ten Intellects. At first, al-Kirmani's God hardly looks different from al-Sijistani's. Al-Kirmani's First Intellect does not fundamentally differ from the Intellect of al-Sijistani, either. But his definition of it is closer to Farabi's concept of God than al-Sijistani's definition of Intellect. In al-Kirmani's cosmogony the First Intellect plays the role of both Farabi's God and his First Intellect at the same time. On the other hand, al-Sijistani's Soul is identified with the Second Intellect by al-Kirmanf, which emanates from the First Intellect, but the Second Intellect is no more than one of the Ten Intellects and has completely lost the mythical personality like al-Sijistani's Soul. The Falling Angel in the Isma'ili Myth has vanished in the highly philosophized cosmogony based on Farabi's system of the Ten Intellects.
In this paper I will examine al-Kirmani's theory of Intellect, comparing it with the philosophized Isma'ili Myth of al-Sijistani or Farabi's theory of Intellect, and consider the significance of his theory in the history of Isma'ilism. In conclusion, it will be shown that his system is the climax in the philosophization of Isma'ili doctrines since the 10th century.

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In the present paper, the author analyzes the local administrative and tax reforms during the Tanzimat period (1839-1876) in relation to the Land Law Revisions, in order to understand the problems posed for Turkish rural society at the time. In the present paper, the Land Law Revisions means the 1858 Land Law and the process of codifications and revisions.
The aim of the Tanzimat reform movement of the Ottoman Empire was to establish a “modern” state based on the rule of law. Prior to the reform movement, Turkish rural society can be characterized as existing in a state of weakening central control and controlled by local notables (â'yâns) acquiring de facto private ownership of land through tax farming contracts and the management of large scale farms known as çiftliks. Thus the local notables gained control over local political affairs. Therefore, the objective of the Tanzimat reforms was ⁺o regain state control over rural society by rebuilding a centralized state order.
Research concerning the administrative and tax reforms during the Tanzimat period has been dominated by institutional historical approaches, while the perspective of the land problem in relation to the agrarian society has been virtually ignored. On the other hand, studies concerning the Land Law Revisions from the perspective of legal history have been conducted by Ö. L. Barkan and H. Cin. The only research to date concerning the direct effects of the Tanzimat reforms on agrarian society has been conducted by H. Inalcik, who dealt primarily with the early period of the Tanzimat reforms, and thus provides minimal or no analysis of the actual influences of the post-1850 reforms and the Land Law Revisions on the rural society.
Concerning the process of implementation of the Land Law Revisions, Y. Nagata has stressed the necessity of analyzing the political and socio-economic struggles over landownership among the central government, local notables and rural population in relation to the Ottoman Empire opening up to the penetration of the international economy. Thus with consideration to the above mentioned factors, the author focuses, in the present paper, on the interests and roles played by the above three parties in a discussion of the concrete points of dispute: namely, the strengthening of control over state land (mîrî), and a policy to standardize the âsâr tithe and later temporarily increase the rate.
From this perspective, the author is able to show that these two attempts are very closely related not only to the Land Law Revisions, but also to the Tanzimat administrative and tax reforms. In concrete terms, firstly, the government, in order to regain control of rural society and rebuild a centralized state organization, aimed at strengthening its control over mîrî through the regional administrative mechanism. In the Title deed Act of 1859, we find detailed terms concerning the registration of land titles, which clealy illustrates an attempt to legitimize the holdings and the use of mîrî.
Secondly, the author demonstrates that the Tanzimat tax reforms were implemented with the express purpose of guaranteeing land tax revenues as the largest source of funding for the entire reform process. After abolishing most of the traditional taxes, the government standardized the âsâr tithe at a rate of 10% for the whole country. Furthermore in 1867, in return for recognizing an enlarged inheritance rights of personal holding of the mîrî, the government temporarily attempted to increase the âsâr tithe. In other words, the firm establishment of both centralized control over mîrî in rural society and the âsâr tithe as an important source of revenue for impoverished public coff

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Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab who started his Tawhid propagation in his hometown, 'Uyaina, in 1741, broke down tombs of saints, trees and stones worshiped by the inhabitants, and pressed the magistrate to carry out the Islamic execution on an adulteress. The frightened inhabitants expelled him from the town.
In this first stage of his missionary activity, we can already find the three political ideas of Wahhabi, such as (1) propagation of Tawhid, (2) ordering what is right and prohibiting what is wrong, and (3) execution of the Islamic law.
Expelled from his hometown, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab came to Dar'iya where lived Ibn Sa'ud. Ibn Sa'ud visited him and proposed him a concordat according to which he would give Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab a military support for the propagation of Tawhid in exchange for his loyalty to the house of Sa'ud and his confirmation of Ibn Sa'ud's right of taxation. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab accepted his proposition except the confirmation of the right of taxation. On this concordat are founded the three State Principles of Saudi Arabia: propagation by jihad, monarchy of the Sa'ud, and no taxation.
With the expansion of the territory, Saudi Arabia starts to use a double identity in the foreign policy, in which they define themselves as Wahhabi to attack the non-Wahhabi Muslims as polytheists on one hand and as Hanbali to make peace with other Muslims on the other hand.
Though the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia founded by 'Abd al='Aziz has inherited Wahhabi' s three ideas on the politics, as for its three principles of the state, it comes to discard jihad as well as to retouch the no taxation principle and to justify the diplomatic relation with non Muslim countries.
The legitimacy of the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia is now threatened on the three levels, namely, (1) the penetration of the idea of of the Jihad-Revolution among people, (2) the intensifying conflict not only between the Western world and the Islamic world but also between secularism and Islamism within the Islamic world and (3) the heavy taxation under the circumstances of the financial decline.

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In the Emar texts there are found two kinds of year dates, year names and eponymous years, which were used by the Emariotes during the period from the 13th to the early 12th centuries B. C. Based on the collected data, the following points can be made:
(1) Year Names—attested both in Syrian type texts (including several royal documents) and in Syro-Hittite type texts. In all but two cases (Emar VI 15: 35b-36 and possibly ASJ 13-T 30: 42b) they are the years of nukurtu and/or dannatu (see List 1), which denote a critical situation when Emar was in “war” and, as its result, suffered from “famine.” The Sumerogram MU (“year”) is sometimes omitted and the description is usually concise, but several examples are still found at the end of the texts, as in the cases of normal year dates. On the basis of the RNs and other PNs mentioned in the texts, it is possible to date some of these years to the reign of the king: Zu-Aštarti, Pilsu-Dagan (Hurrian siege of Emar), and Elli (siege of Emar by certain enemies and extraordinary inflation).
(2) Eponymous Years—attested only in Syrian type texts (always non-royal documents). At present fourteen Emariote, and non-Assyrian, year dates of this sort are known (see List 2). In principle they are referred to according to the formula MU PN₁ (DUMU PN₂) 1/2.KAM.MA, “the first/second year of PN₁ (son of PN₂), ” which always occurs at the end of the texts together with scribal names and month names. Taking into account that many texts are dated to the “second” year (and none to third or beyond) and that if a normal eponym lasted only one year there would be no need to specify the “first” year, it seems likely that two years were assigned to each eponym in Emar. Since unfortunately no eponym list has been found and there is no reference to RN in the texts, any attempt to date these years remains speculative. Nevertheless a comparative analysis of the scribal names and the witness lists shows that five out of the thirteen eponyms must have belonged to the period within one generation.

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In the middle of the 8th century B. C., King Osorkon III of the ‘Theban Twenty-third Dynasty’ was ruling Upper Egypt, from Heracleopolis to Elephantine. After his reign, however, in the late 8th century B. C., Upper Egypt was divided into three regions, which were Heracleopolis, Hermopolis and, in the south, Kush. In this paper, I will examine the relations among the ‘Theban Twenty-third Dynasty’, the Heracleopolite king and the Hermopolite king.
From the genealogical point of view, it is clear that Peftjauawybast, King of Heracleopolis, was the son-in-law of Amenrud, who was a king of the ‘Theban Twenty-third Dynasty’. But the title s3t nswt (king's daughter) of Nestenet, who was a queen of King Nimlot of Hermopolis, shows that the Hermopolite king, too, probably belonged to the same dynasty.
There are two pieces of evidence that show some links between Heracleopolis and Thebes. First, the two daughters of the Heracleopolite king Peftjauawybast had the title ‘Songstress of the Interior of Amen’. Second, a descendant of the same king was buried at Thebes. These two items of evidence, however, do not necessarily show that the Heracleopolite king himself was directly concerned with Thebes. For, on the first point, we know that some Libyan chiefs, who themselves did not have a direct concern with Thebes, placed their daughters in this post, and on the second point, the descendant was probably buried after the reign of Peftjauawybast.
There is also some evidence that shows the links between Hermopolis and Thebes. The genealogical text on the statue Cairo CG 42212 indicates that a high priest of Hermopolis, who lived under the reign of King Thutemhat of Hermopolis, belonged to the family of the 4th prophet of Amen Djedthutefankh in Thebes. A bronze shrine BM EA11015 bears the name of King Thutemhat and the inscription of ‘the Estate of Amen’. A vase fragment in Rome (infra n. 33) has some inscription indicating that King Nimlot of Hermopolis had a connection with both God's Wife of Amen Shepenupet I, who was a daughter of King Osorkon III and her successor Amenirdis I, who was a daughter of the Kushite king Kashta. It is worthy of notice that the Hermopolite king himself was connected with God's Wife of Amen, which was the highest post of the Amen Temple in those days.
From the last evidence, it is possible for us to reconsider the double-dated inscription at Wadi Gasus, for this inscription also bears the names of Shepenupet I and Amenirdis I. Therefore, concerning the regnal years of this inscription, we come to the conclusion that the year 12 associated with Amenirdis I could be that of a Kushite king and the year 19 associated with Shepenupet I could be that of a Hermopolite king. This Hermopolite king could be either Amenrud or Nimlot from the chronological point of view.
Thebes was lost under the reign of Amenrud or immediately after his reign. As for the links with Thebes and Kush, it is possible that the Hermopolite king took a position as the political successor to the ‘Theban Twenty-third Dynasty’ in the late 8th century B. C.

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The author wishes here to analyze the concept of ευχη (prayer) in early Byzantium, namely 4th to 7th centuries. In the chapter 1, votive inscriptions containing the words ευχη and ενξαμενος are classified. Eυχη is a comprehensive word acting for many personal desires, which probably excludes soul's relief (σωτηρια), health (υγεια), longevity (μακροημερευσις), redemption (αφεσις αμαρτιων), etc..
In the chapter 2, anonymous inscriptions which say “one whose name God knows” are treated. The Byzantines refer neither to the concrete contents of ευχη, nor to the proper noun of the donor. The cases gathered in the chapter 3 suggest that the word ευχη signifies the offering itself: architectural part, silver vessel, floor mosaic, etc.. In these circumstances, the votive offering with one's prayer is also the prayer.
The chapter 4 presents that ευλογια is a pendant word of ευχη in double senses. Since the word ευλογια means not only an abstract “blessing”, but also a pilgrimage souvenir itself, two strata are realized between ευχη and ευλογια; one prays and Gob blesses in an abstract sense, and simultaneously, one offers something and in return he is given a pilgrimage souvenir.

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Some historical sources refer to many dars on the al-Tugur al-Šamiya or Abbasid Syrian frontiers (Cilicia), especially in Tarsus from the late 2/8th century until the Byzantine reconquest of it in 354/965. These dars were a kind of military establishment built to accommodate the warriors who participated in holy wars on behalf of the founders of the dars.
The dar founded by Qabiha, mother of the Caliph al-Mu'tazz, contained an armory and a residence for soldiers; it housed 150 slave warriors and their leader who were selected from among the mawlas or retainers of al-Mu'tazz. The warriors were well known because while marched they shouted out the name of the caliph. There were also 150 military slaves in the dar of Sayyida, mother of the Caliph al-Muqtadir. Some Tarsus armorers were appointed to repair their weapons. The dar of Zuhayr b. al-Harit was a smaller one but had similar features; seven war horses which were stabled there with their equipment were allotted to seven commanders, and veterinarians and grooms for these horses were employed.
It should be noted that the dars were financed by waqfs or religious donations and that the spread of the dars along the Syrian frontiers was promoted by the intensity of the spirit of holy war.

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This paper aims at elucidating how the idea of correspondence between the existent beings in the cosmos was discussed in early Isma'ilism, especially with regard to the doctrine of the seven enunciator-prophets (nutaqa', sdg. natiq). For this purpose we analyze a chapter on the fourth natiq, Moses (Musa), which deals with our subject, from the still unedited text Kitab al-Islah, or The Book of Correction, written by a Neoplatonist-inclined thinker, Abu Hatim al-Razi (d. 322/934-5), as an a attack on his coreligionist Muhammad al-Nasafi (d. 332/942).
According to al-Razi, al-Nasafi holds that the fourth natiq has the perfectness of the number four just as the sun, the fourth astral body, has it. Refuting this, al-Razi asserts that the real holder of the “fourness” (arba'iyah) is the seventh natiq, Qa'im, who discloses the inner meaning of all the sacred laws of his six predecessor-nutaqa'. In order to establish his argument, al-Razi cites some examples of the correspondence between the seven nutaqa' and some beings from the world of nature in the cosmos such as the seven days of the week, the seven parts of the human body and the seven dyeing colours (asbagh): just at each member of these groups in the world of nature takes its role in the development of its own group, each natiq takes his own role in the development of the history of human kind. This implies that in the cases of both nature and the seven nutaqa' the last phase of development is the most perfect. Thus, al-Razi's own argument shows us another example of the early Isma'ilis' utilization of the knowledge of nature and the natural sciences of their time, as is pointed out by P. E. Walker in the case of Abu Ya'qub al-Sijistani. Oun research in the future should seek out other examples of this practice among other Isma'ili thinkers.

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Die gesetzlichen Umgehungen (hiyal, s. hilah) sind als solche Maßnahmen zu verstehen, mit denen man ohne Verstoß gegen das heilige Gesetz gewünshte Rechtsfolge erreichen kann, eben deshalb wurden sie vor allem von den hanafitischen Rechtsgelehrten zum parktischen Zweck untersucht. Die hanafitischen Umgehungen führen zu einem Fachbereich. Ihre hiyal-Literature kennzeichnet die positivrechtliche Rechtsproblematik, die die Entwicklung ihrer Schullehre bezeugt. Man kann in diesem Bereich eine zweckmäßige Anwendung der hanafitischen Lehre betrachten.
Aus diesem Standpunkt geht es in dieser Arbeit darum, die Entwicklung der Umgehungen mit der hanafitischen Schullehre in Zusammenhang zu bringen. Ich beschränke Beispiele dafür auf zwei Rechtsgeschäfte, die am häufigsten zur Umgehung benutzt werden, d. h. das Geständnis (igrar) sowie die Klausel (shart) um den materiellrechtlichen Aufban der Umgehung zu zeigen.

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