Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan
Online ISSN : 1884-1406
Print ISSN : 0030-5219
ISSN-L : 0030-5219
Volume 40, Issue 2
Displaying 1-12 of 12 articles from this issue
  • Harumi HORIOKA
    1997 Volume 40 Issue 2 Pages 1-17
    Published: 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    For a long time the date of the Šuruppak tablets has been the subject of controversy. However, since R. D. Biggs concluded that these tablets can be placed in the EDIIIa Period, his proposal seems to be widely accepted today.
    This paper will reexamine this view and argue that the Šuruppak tablets actually belong to a different period. To substantiate this view, we will investigate the usage of ku3-luh-ha in the Šuruppak sale documents and royal inscriptions and administrative documents of the other cities. The term ku3-luh-ha is used in the time between Entemena and Uruinimgina, rulers of Lagaš in the EDIIIb Period. This fact leads to the conclusion that the date of the Šuruppak sale documents belong to the second half of the EDlllb Period.
    This paper will also investigate the order of the person attesting in bal-PN, the date system of Šuruppak sale documents. The persons are classified into two groups according to the material for payment, urudu group and ku3-luh-ha group. It is possible to assume that the one proceeds the other.
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  • Masamichi YAMADA
    1997 Volume 40 Issue 2 Pages 18-33
    Published: 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In this study, the present writer will argue that the customary law was actively functioning in Late Bronze Emar, covering many fields of the city life with explicit details.
    In the Akkadian texts from Emar, occasionally we find the phrase kima ali, meaning “according to (the custom of) the city (i. e., Emar).” It occurs once in a contract on a loan of silver and in other eleven texts concerning the inheritance of family property. In the former text (ASJ 13-T 34), it is prescribed only that the debtor “will add the interest kima ali” (1. 3), while the rate and the term for repayment are not mentioned. This means that the reference to kima ali was thought enough to indicate these concrete conditions. Similarly, in most of the latter texts it is just prescribed that the property is to be divided by the inheritors kima ali. However, four of these texts (Emar VI 177; ASJ 13-T 23; RE 8, 30), which also include lists detailing how to divide the main property, are noteworthy. Since these dividing lists all seem to follow a pattern in which the eldest son acquires more than his brothers as well as the main house, we may conclude that such a way of inheritance was customary in Emar.
    Although without referring to kima ali, the customary law of Emar appears to be concerned in other two texts, too. In RE 61 on the marriage (and divorce) of two Emariote women, we find kima marat Emarki, “according to (the custom of) the daughters of Emar” (1. 11; cf. also 11. 17b-18a, 21). This suggests that there were customary laws for female citizens of Emar, protecting their rights (cf. 11. 18b-22 in the case of divorce). Emar VI 18 deals with the enslavement of a certain Kitta, an Emariote serving the king of Carchemish. When he was enslaved (probably because of debt) by Hešmi-Tešub, prince of Carchemish, his family was also about to be enslaved following the Hittite manner. However, it ended up with only Kitta's becoming a slave according to the mamitu ša uruEmar, “the oath of Emar” (11. 11b-12a), probably a treaty between the Hittites and the Emariotes. Based on this, we may assume that this treaty accepted the non-Hittite customary law of Emar in the case of enslavement (of debtors). This aspect of the Hittite administration of Emar can also be seen in the other Syro-Hittite type texts in which kima ali is mentioned (especially royal documents of Carchemish such as Emar VI 201), showing that the Hittites respected the customary law of Emar.
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  • Hiroshi YAMAKAWA
    1997 Volume 40 Issue 2 Pages 34-50
    Published: 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper examines the ships used by the Mycenaean Greeks in the Mediterranean area in the latter half of the second millennium B. C. using as sources mainly paintings, results of Undersea archaeology, and Linear B script documents.
    The first noteworthy source is a miniature fresco., “The Escort of Ships”, from Room 5 of the “West House, ” excavated at Akrotiri. It shows a procession of decorated ships moving by oar or sail from one coastal town to another, representing some kind of military campaign, and is dated to the 16th century B. C. In the middle of the fleet, there is a flagship with about 40 rowers, a steersman and 10 warriors. The fresco shows the type and structure of ships of that time that were not necessarily merchant or trading ships.
    A second is the sunken ship at Ulu Burun, excavated by G. F. Bass and dated to the 14th or early 13th century B. C. Apparently loaded with a very valuable cargo, it seems to have sunk in the middle of its voyage. Research has shown that it was 15 to 18 meters long and had a minimum capacity of 12m. tons deadweight. The keel was made of heavy timber and the planks were fastened to the keel to each other using pegged mortise-and-tenon joints.
    Third and finally, I refer to the record of shipbuilding in the Linear B tablets of Pylos. Na-u-do-mo (shipbuilders) are mentioned on PY Vn 865, while in PY Vn 46 and Vn 879, opinion is divided as to whether ka-pi-ni-ja should be interpreted as a list of timbers for shipbuilding or for construction of a building. T. G. Paleima insists on the former interpretation and L. Baumbach on the latter.
    I hypothesize that a kind of gift trade was carried on by royal officials and merchants appointed by the king of Pylos.
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  • Yasuo KINBARA
    1997 Volume 40 Issue 2 Pages 51-68
    Published: 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The First Bulgarian Kingdom was established by the Turkic nomads Bulgars. Gradually the Bulgars were assimilated to the Slav majority, but the Bulgarian aristocracy kept supremacy for a long time. In the political structure of the state were existed a traditional institution and titles of the Bulgars.
    In this paper, the author consider the role of the ruler, especially take notice of the title, the authority and the succession of the throne. There were so many titles of the Bulgarian ruler, but six of them were used in the country. They were αρχων, καισαρ, πατρικιος, KANAσγBIΓI, _??__??__??__??__??__??_<_??__??__??__??_, _??__??__??__??__??__??_<_??__??__??__??_. Kαισαρ and πατρικιος are the Byzantine title of nobility. Two titles αρχων and KANAσγBIΓI were used at the same time. The Byzantine title αρχων was used mainly externally. KANAσγBIΓI, which was a Turkic compound title, consisted of two words KANA and σγBIΓI. Professor V. Besevliev explained that KANA was a rulal title of the nomadic state qan<qaγan and σγBIΓI was a compound word sü-bäg-i, i. e. “commander in chief.” But this theory is still in a hypothesis.
    Bulgarian ruler came to hold both the secular power and spiritual authority. Bulgars were believers of Shamanism. They had a concept of the divine right of kings. The throne of the ruler of the Bulgarian state was exclusively in the hands of the royal clan, the Dulo, the Vokil and the clan of Krum. The position of the ruler was hereditary normally passing from father to eldest son, who was called καναρτικεινος. The order of the succession of the throne proved to be useful in stability and reinforcement of a government.
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  • Seiichi KITAGAWA
    1997 Volume 40 Issue 2 Pages 69-84
    Published: 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In 1236, the tamachi army of Chormaghan Noyan began to conquer the Georgian Kingdom. Starting at their traditonal winter encampment in Arran, they proceeded to the North West. Their first victims were the cities and districts of the western branches of the Middle Kur. In the Kazakh canton of the present Republic of Azerbaijan, their course was divided into three directions. The Nothern course led them to the central and eastern provinces of Georgia. To the south they advanced and conquered the cities of Ani, Kars and Surb Mari, and third course overran the territories of South-West Georgia. In this way almost all the territories of the Georgian Kingdom were conquered.
    In about 1240, the conquerd part of Georgia was divided among the six Georgian generals, called the generals of ten thousands (“tmanis mtavari” in Georgian) by the Mongols.
    After the coronation of Emperor Monke, the conquered part of Georgia was put under the physical administration of Arghun-Aqa who made a census in 1254, and Georgia's population was counted and the area was divided into nine tümens. Each of these tümens could afford ten thousand soldiers. It was after this census that a new tax system was introduced by Arghun-Aqa.
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  • Kazuhiko SHIRAIWA
    1997 Volume 40 Issue 2 Pages 85-102
    Published: 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper intends to identify the date of one very important manuscript of Rashid al-Din's Jami'al-tavarikh, namely the MS no.2294 of the Kitabkhanah-i Majlis-i Shura-yi Milli (now Kitabkhanah-i Majlis-i Shura-yi Islami, 1), which is in all probability the original of the Tarikh-i Mubarak-i Ghazani, namely the volume 1 of the Jami'al-tavarikh, which was planned as presentation copy to Ghazan Khan and was eventually accomplished and presented to Öljeytü Sultan, his brother and successor.
    This manuscript has internal evidences to show that it was completed when Öljeitü Khan was 24 years old and when he spent one-fourth year as sovereign, i. e., three months after his enthronement in 19th July 1304, thereby we get the date of mid-October 1304 as the most probable date of the completion of this manuscript, which must have been dedicated to Öljeytü Khan without delay in the same month of the year.
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  • From Ibn Sina to Nasir al-Din al-Tusi
    Toshiharu NIGO
    1997 Volume 40 Issue 2 Pages 103-123
    Published: 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This Paper is intended as an investigation of the ‘Modalities (jihat)’ which were dealt with by Ibn Sina (d. 1037) and three post-Ibn Sin-an logicians, Abu al-Barakat al-Baghdadi (d. Ca. 1164), al-Suhrawardi (d. 1191) and Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (d. 1274).
    The theory of ‘temporal modalities’, which Ibn Sina systematically constructed, is one of the important contributions in Islamic logic. In his Al-Isharat wa-al-Tanbihat he explained this theory at the end of the chapter on propositions and according to the components of proposition classified the ‘temporal modalities, ’ while he never classified modalities according to situation (amr).
    Almost all the post-Ibn Sinan logicians received the concept of Ibn Sina's ‘temporal modalities.’ But al-Baghdadi introduced newly the distinction between ‘modality de re’and ‘modality de dicto’, which was used in medieval Latin philosophy, and by the concept of ‘cause (sabab)’ connected these two concepts from an natural philosophical point of view. al-Suhrawardi also distinguished these two concepts. But he went further and insisted on the thesis that all modalities de dicto are necessity (darura). This thesis can be explained by his plan of a ‘intuitionist logic.’
    These two logicians, contrary to Ibn Sina, laid stress on situation (amr) and the epistemological value of modalities. Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, on the other hand, attached importance to the structure of proposition like Ibn Sina and proposed the theory of ‘triple modalities.’ He did not disregard the distinction between ‘modality de re’ and ‘modality de dicto’, but he did not use this distinction for the analysis of modalities. In fact, he stated that this distinction is important for excluding error about modalities.
    In conclusion, among Ibn Sina and posf-Ibn Sinan logicians modal theories are not the same. Especially they are different in the epistemological value of modalities. Generally speaking, al-Baghdadi and al-Suhrawardi, on the one hand, constructed modal theory mainly from the epistemological point of view, and Ibn Sina and al-Tusi, on the other hand, constructed it from the structure of proposition.
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  • Takashi TANIICHI
    1997 Volume 40 Issue 2 Pages 124-137
    Published: 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    During the years 1995-1996, the Yuangzhou Archaeological Excavations in China, funded by Japan Ministry of Education Grant-in-Aid for International Scientific Research, was a Joint Project by Japan and China.
    During 1995, we discovered the Tomb of Shi Daoluo who lived during Tang dynasty, and was buried in 658 A. D. A Byzantine gold coin (Justin II, 565-578 A. D.) was discovered.
    During 1996, the tomb of the Northern Zhou dynasty prime minister Tian Hong was discovered, who died and was buried in 575 A. D.
    Five Byzantine gold coins: one Leo I, the Thracian (457-474 A. D.) coin, one Justin I (518-527 A. D.) coin, two Justinian I, co-regent (527 A. D.) coins, and one Justinian I, the Great (527-565 A. D.) coin were found.
    This thesis 1) describes in detail and lists Byzantine gold coins excavated in China from 1914 to the present, including the coins from the Tomb of Shi Daoluo and from the Tomb of Tian Hong, 2) considers the background of cultural and economic relations between China and the West.
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  • Akira HORI, Keiko ISHIDA, Makiko TSUMURA
    1997 Volume 40 Issue 2 Pages 138-145
    Published: 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Takayasu HIGUCHI, Kiyohide SAITO
    1997 Volume 40 Issue 2 Pages 146-156
    Published: 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1997 Volume 40 Issue 2 Pages 157-159
    Published: 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • 1997 Volume 40 Issue 2 Pages 165-178
    Published: 1997
    Released on J-STAGE: March 12, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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