When discussing the roll of the ša reš šarri bel piqitti Eanna and/or its status in Eanna temple, scholars tend to do so without giving due attention to changes that might have occurred in its roll and/or status over a period of years.
In this paper I would reexamine the relative status of the ša reš šarri bel piqitti Eanna vis-à-vis other Urukean officials during the reign of Nabonidus to see whether any change occurred in its relative status during the reign.
In administrative texts from Eanna dated to Nabonidus' reign, the ša reš šarri bel piqitti Eanna, a royal official stationed in Eanna temple often appears together with other temple officials. It is possible to divide these texts into two groups, 1) texts in which the name of the ša reš šarri bel piqitti Eanna is mentioned in the phrase ina GUB-zu ša PNN and 2) texts in which the ša reš šarri bel piqitti Eanna and other officials appear as parties involved. From a careful investigation of these two groups of texts the following three facts have emerged. First, the šatam Eanna begins to appear in the eleventh year of Nabonidus along with the ša reš šarri bel piqitti Eanna (e. g., AnOr 8, 27, YOS 6, 232). Second, the ša reš šarri bel piqitti Eanna invariably appears in the first position until king's thirteenth year, but, after that, it is the šatam Eanna that appears in the first position, while the ša reš šarri bel piqitti Eanna appears in the second (e. g., YOS 6, 177, 195, 198, TCL 12, 119). Third, another important temple official qipu sa Eanna, who is also known as a royal appointee, appears sometimes following ša reš šarri bel piqitti Eanna but ahead of šatam Eanna, when latter is mentioned jointly, until twelfth year of Nabonidus (e. g. AnOr 8, 27, YOS 6, 79). However, it is known that the qipu ša Eanna is not mentioned in the texts after Nabonidus' thirteenth year until the reign of Cyrus.
From the above observation, it become clear that the ša reš šarri bel piqitti Eanna was the highest officials in the Eanna temple officials during the early years of Nabonidus' reign, but that it had began to change from eleventh year of Nabonidus and after thirteenth year of Nabonidus the šatam Eanna occupied the first position, while the ša reš šarri bel piqitti Eanna occupied the second position in the hierarchy of the Eanna temple officials. The turnover of the temple officials at Eanna in Nabonidus' thirteenth year is particularly important when considered together with other changes that took place in that year.

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In the Jahiliya Period, a pilgrimage festival with an annual market was held at a convenient season of the year. Observing the difference between the lunar and the solar year, they intercalated a month every several years. It has been said that this system was taken from the Jews. The Banu Kinana were charged with Nasi' (intercalation) and adjusted the calendar.
Abraha, who invaded Makka in the Year of the Elephant, aimed to divert the Arab pilgrimage to the church he himself had constructed in Yemen. But there were strong protests against his plan, particularly by the Kinanite who controlled the order of the Arab pilgrimage cycle in the Arabian peninsula.
According to their calendar, in a normal year, the first two months after Dhu 'l-Hijja were Safar I and Safar II, and in a leap year, the intercalary month, al-Muharram, came first, followed by Safar I and Safar II. Safar I in a normal year and al-Muharram both belonged to the sacred months, so that the safety of the pilgrims moving to another sanctuary was guaranteed. Therefore, in a leap year and a normal year, there were four sacred months.
Though this was exceptional, they postponed the sanctity of a month when the markets were invaded, or war broke out between Arab tribes, and so the festival could not be held as normal. Mainly the Kinanite took part in the war of Fijar which occurred near the 'Ukaz market for several years. Therefore, it was likely that the sacred month was postponed exceptionally.

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Jamharah al-Nasab, a monumental work of Arab's genealogy written by Hisham b. al-Kalbi (d. 204/819), contains not only descriptions of the paternal lineages but also the names of women who gave sons for their husbands, so that we can find more than 800 cases of marriage among the ancient Arab people including 560 cases in which both of the two were from the northern Arab. In this article, I analyzed these cases of marriage especially focusing on the generational relationships between the couples and got the following results:
1) Some sahabah from Banu Rabi'ah had GN over 25 although all the sahabah from Banu Tabikhah and Qays 'Aylan had GN which did not exceed 24.
2) Banu Rabi'ah can be classified into two groups. The first group is (a) the upper Rabi'ah which had GN under 10, and the second is (b) Bakr b. Wa'il & Taghlib which had GN over 12. When a member of the first group married one from a non-Rabi'ah group, the latter always had GN equal to the former's or bigger. On the contrary, when a member of the second group married one from a non-Rabi'ah group, the latter always had GN much smaller than the former's.
3) Some cases of marriage for the second group are contradictory to the generational relationships between Rabi'ah and non-Rabi'ah which the cases for the first group indicates.
On these grounds I have come to the conclusion that the genealogy of the second group, Banu Bakr b. Wa'il & Taghlib, had been independent from the first's, the upper Rabi'ah, before the two got combined into one genealogical tree. It was this period in which the genealogies of sahabah and the cases of marriage between Rabi'ah and non-Rabi'ah were fixed.
GN: Generation Number of the northern Arab counted from 'Adnan.

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The second ^cAbbasid Caliph al-Mansur (754-775) constructed a system of provincial government toward the end of his reign. This article examines the reformation and reinforcement of the provincial administration during this period, focusing on the characteristics and changes of the taxation system in the province of al-Jazira. There are abundant materials in a Syriac narrative called the Chronicle of Zuqnin Monastery which provided the author with a wealth of information. This valuable source traced how the Caliph and the governor Musa b. Mus^cab exerted control over the inhabitants and collected revenues.
The Caliph and Musa appointed various officials and tax collectors to administer the province. The registrars of ta^cdil were responsible for taking a census of the population. The investigators of sawfi surveyed and developed state-owned land. Officials were designated to put stigma and identification tag on the inhabitants; to collect ^cushr, or customs and tax for merchandise and commerce; to pursue the fugitives, or those who left their domicile. Men were also appointed to collect sadaqat al-mal from the Arabs and jizya from non-Muslims. All of these officials were appointed and sent to the districts of al-Jazira to establish complete and direct control over the population and their property and to establish a taxation system levying taxes on all inhabitants without exception.
The policies were conceived by the Caliph and retained by Musa. As the process of control was reinforced, some changes occurred on its ends and means. The aim of the Caliph had been to establish a system of provincial government over his kingdom to provide ample tax revenues to the central government. Musa and his officials, on the other hand, were devoted to collecting taxes and imposing charges wherever possible, by any means fair or foul. They were primarily concerned with winning the favor with their authorities and looked after making their own profit. On the end, their activities caused a great deal of damage and confusion in al-Jazira, showing the limitations of ^cAbbasid government's administrative reforms.

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With regard to idrar in the Ilkhanid state, a famous scholar Petrushevsky wrote as below in the volume 5 of the Cambridge History of Iran thirty years ago:
Apart from the fief of the military nobility (iqta') there existed conditional grants of land and rent to members of the bureaucracy and the religious bodies. The grant for life of rent in kind (corn, barley, rice) or money was called ma'ishat (Arabic literally “livelihood”) and when granted into heredity (mauruth) or when it was “eternal” (abadi) it was called idrar (literally “pension”). Often such a grant was replaced by the grant of a village of the Divan, the income (=amount of taxes) from which equalled the sum of the ma'ishat or the idrar.
Now we have new sources on idrar, however. They are two large waqf endowment deeds, Waqfnama-yi Rab'-i Rashidi of Rashid al-Din Fadlallah Hamadani, and Jami'al-Khayrat of the Nizam family, composed by Shams al-Din Muhammad b. Rukn al-Din Muhammad, who got married with Rashid's daughter and was a nd'ib of Rashid's son, wazir Ghiyath al-Din Muhammad.
The former deed, Waqfnama-yi Rab'-i Rashidi, records idrars imposed on Tabriz and many hamlets in three districts (nahiya) around Tabriz, which were made into waqfs: 1795 dinar from allowances (ihtisabiyat) fixed on Tabriz and its suburb, and 1295 dinar from taxes and qopchur tax laid on the districts.
The latter deeds, Jami'al-Khayrat, contains forty-four waqf endowment deeds or summaries of waqfs. Of them, seventeen deeds made idrars into waqfs. All of them were made waqfs by Shams al-Din Muhammad. Only one of them, 1000 dinar, had been a bequest of his father, Rukn al-Din Muhammad, a part of which sheikhs and scholars of Yazd donated to him and the rest of which was left from generation to generation in the family. Fifteen of them was stipends which Shams al-Din Muhammad gained the profits from taxes on different hamlets or cities as Yazd, Tabriz, Qum and others, the total of which is over 8000 dinar.
According to analysis of these documents, idrar can be clearly defined as pension or stipend for beneficiaries in cash, based on and expended from a definite tax imposed on a definite city or hamlet. It was a beneficiary's right of property which he could bequeath and transmit by sale. It was not such as ‘fief’ or ‘grant of land and rent’ as Petrushevsky defined. Nasir al-Din's tract on finance, which Petrushevsky also used as one of his sources, specifies idrar as stipend, and the examples of deeds about idrar contained in Nakhchiwani's Dastur al-Katib, which he analyzed as his main source, wrote idrar from tamgha tax or jizya tax of dhimmi. The documentation of these deeds and sources makes us reconsider the feudalistic notion about the Mongol domination.

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As one step to clarify the changing of the order in the Eastern Mediterranean World in the first half of the sixteennth century, this paper examines a few of Mamluk relationships with Franks (Firanj) in their late age, mainly under the reign of Sultan al-Ashraf Qaytbay (reigned 1468-96) and Qansuh al-Ghauri (1501-16), from the contemporary Arabic narrative sources. The viewpoint in this paper is that paying attention to Alexandria which had been one of the most important seaports located on the Mamluk border at the Eastern Mediterranean and examining the role of the viceroy (na'ib) at that place in connection with the relationships with Franks.
Concerning to the amirs appointed to the viceroyship of Alexandria in the whole Mamluk age, a study was done by A. 'Abd ar-Raziq about their names, grades, and periods of their office. However, the present author's examination on the sources of the late Mamluk age sheds some lights on the aspects which 'Abd ar-Raziq did not mention. It can be surmise that the viceroyship of Alexandria at the age was assigned to the Amir of Fourty (amir tablkhanah) or the Amir of Ten (amir'ashara) as a general. On the other hand, two amirs who remained in their viceroyship after they were promoted to the grade of amir muqaddam are noteworthy; Qijimas (period of office 1471-78) and Khudabirdi (at least before 1505-1516).
The periods of their viceroyship coincided with that which the records concerning to the raiding activities of Franks, probably the Knights of St. John, and the countermeasures taken by the Mamluks appear in the sources. The Mamluks at these periods required to strengthen their defence against the Franks in Alexandria. It can be said that such policy had been carried out by the viceroys whose grade was higher than usual. And also there were the cases that the viceroys of Alexandria at such periods should take the Frank residents into custody under the orders of sultans who intended to control their relations with Frankish powers.

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The subject of my research is the relationship between tribal structures and regional divisions in North Yemen. The research is organized into three parts: (a) the current situation of tribes and rural administrative divisions; (b) the history of traditional regional divisions in medieval times; and (c) the evolution of traditional regional divisions to the rural administrative divisions of North Yemen in the modern era. This article draws on (b).
The terms mikhlaf and ^cuzlah are the indigenous titles of the Yemeni regional divisions. However it is not clear what they comprise since there has been insufficient research on Yemeni regional divisions. References to the mikhlaf and ^cuzlah in three classic texts, al-Hamdani's Sifah Jazirah al-^cArab, Yaqut's Mu^cjam al-Buldan and al-Hajari's Majmu^c Buldan al-Yamaniyyah wa Qaba'il-ha, clearly indicate that the mikhlaf is the term used to describe the regional division in the southern highlands of North Yemen during the medieval period, while the ^cuzlahs are sub-divisions of the mikhlaf.
Next, I study the tribal genealogies (al-Hamdani's Kitab al-Iklil and the above Yaqut's text) to trace the ancestry of the component tribes of the mikhlafs. This indicates that the tribes of Himyar al-Humaysa^c were the most influential, especially those tribes descending from Jusham in the genealogies. Thus, it can be said that the mikhlaf and ^cuzlah are historically the indigenous structure of regional divisions in the southern highlands of North Yemen, in which the component tribes of those are the Jusham tribes.

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In the Pompeian wall-painting, we can see depictions of wild birds, animals, fruits, fishes, bottles, plates etc. These themes are seemingly very similar to the still life motif of our age. But they may have connotation different to ours. In ancient Greece, dining and symposion were held as part of some religious rite. This ceremonial nature is discernible also in the Pompeian wall-painting, where depictions of hanged birds or dedicated fruits are sometimes visible by the side of altars. We can interpret these representations as reminiscent of old tradition of ceremonial dining.
In the Pompeian wall-painting, panel-like flamins were used to array representations of various kind of these themes. Sometimes they are composed to make serial arrangement of still life motifs, located in the series of panel-like pictures of middle zone or in the frize-like area of upper zone of wall.
Serial disposition of still life is often found in the rooms of symposion or dining called as triclinium or oecus. These motifs may be used to demonstrate the variety of different agricultural products or wild creatures of estate of host family. Representation of variety and richness of domestic products is very suitable each to show the generosity and hospitality of hosts, as well as the aesthetic value of their skillful depiction.

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The Apophthegmata patrum is generally considered as one of the best witnesses about early monasticism in Egypt, especially about its spirituality. But it is equally well known that manuscript traditions of this document are extremely complicated, and one still does not know its primitive form nor the extent of the apophthegmata contained in that primitive form. Then, which elements that one finds in the extant form of the Apophthegmata patrum can be considered as deriving authentically from monks of the 4th century?
To answer this question, the present paper compares the Apophthegmata patrum with the writings of Evagrius, a productive monastic author in the last two decades of the 4th century, and this comparison gives following results:
-The image presented in the Apophthegmata patrum about the material (or physical) aspect of monastic life is more or less the same as Evagrius wrote in his writings, and this shows that the image presented in the Apophthegmata patrum is probably authentic on this point.
-On the other hand, the image drawn in the Apophthegmata patrum about the spiritual aspect of monastic life differs on certain points from that of Evagrius, and this is possibly connected with the existence of different spiritual currents in the Egyptian monastic milieu.
-The comparison in the present paper reveals also some criticism directed against Evagrius by the compiler (s) of the Apophthegmata patrum, and thus confirmed is the often suggested impression of the anti-Origenist tendency of the document.

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In the ethico-didactic literature of the Middle East, Aristotle and Alexander frequently appear as an inseparable pair. In the Arabic adab literature, they are represented as a sort of paradigm of master philosopher and royal pupil, or the vizier and the wise king. In these works, ideals of kingship and sovereignty are expressed through the authority of Aristotle, often in the form of letters of advice addressed to Alexander. This image of the model tutor-pupil or vizier-king diffused into the more popular wisdom (hikma) literature, that is anthologies of maxims and anecdotes ascribed to sages of the past. And the Arab ethical writings in turn influenced the depiction of Aristotle and Alexander in the Persian versions of the Alexander Romance.
In the following paper, we shall investigate the early stages of the development of this theme. First we will examine the fragments of information we have in classical sources about their relationship, notably on Aristotle's letters or counsels to Alexander. Then we shall discuss the intercultural significance of the Arabic translation and adaptation of a Greek collection of epistles, supposedly exchanged between Aristotle and Alexander, made at the time of the reign of the Umayyad Caliph Hisham (724-43) by his secretary Salim Abu al-^cAla^c

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