オリエント
Online ISSN : 1884-1406
Print ISSN : 0030-5219
ISSN-L : 0030-5219
42 巻, 1 号
選択された号の論文の13件中1~13を表示しています
  • 山田 重郎
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 1-18
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The setting-up of royal monuments in the course of royal expeditions is a phenomenon familiar in the history of ancient Mesopotamia. Among the royal records of various Mesopotamian rulers, the inscriptions of Shalmaneser III, king of Assyria (859-824 B. C.), are especially informative on this subject. Over fifty references of this kind in his inscriptions represent twenty historical cases of the erection of one or more monuments. In this paper I shall examine these references and discuss some aspects of the phenomenon.
    The monument is referred to as the “image (salmu)” of the king in all cases but one, where it is described as a “stela (asumettu).” The term salmu itself can denote three types of object: (1) a three-dimensional royal statue, (2) a free-standing stela bearing a relief of the royal figure, or (3) a relief engraved on a rock face (i. e. a rock relief). Nevertheless, on the basis of archaeological and iconographic evidence, it may be supposed that the monuments, especially those set up in the open, were usually stelae and rock reliefs rather than statues in the round. Some evidence indicates that the text accompanying the royal image was usually a short commemorative inscription, not a long text of the king's standard annals as found on various objects unearthed in Assyrian capitals.
    The monuments were placed at the most distant points in the course of the campaign, and were designed to perpetuate the king's arrival at the most remote places. The places chosen can be classified into two categories: (1) at conspicuous geographical features with no associated settlements (mountains, sea coast, river source, etc.); (2) in cities, especially in their sacred places (i. e. temples, etc.). Monuments, especially royal images, erected in the second type of place must have represented the Assyrian king as a worshipper in the local sanctuary. He was thus associated by his image with every act of worship performed there, both as the earthly representative of the gods and as a participant in every favour they might grant. Simultaneously, the image must have reminded the local elite of their relationship with the Assyrian overlord when they came to the place in order to take an oath before the gods or for other purposes.
  • 野田 恵剛
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 19-28
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Old Persian construction mana krtam was shown to be an active perfect in the form of a possessive construction by Benveniste (1952). But this thesis has been challenged by Skjaevø (1985), who calls this construction neutral as to active/passive dichotomy. I would like to show that Benveniste's thesis is correct and that there exists a passive corresponding to the active mana krtam construction, namely avajata construction.
  • クシャンとヵーフィルーカラシュをつなぐもの
    藤原 達也
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 29-52
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Kanishka the Great of the Kushan issued a gold type which figures on its reverse a deity on a dicephalous horse whom the legend designates MOZΔOOANO (fig.2). Duchesne-Guillemin identified him with ωOPOMOZΔO “Ahura Mazdâ” on a gold issue of Huvishka I (fig. 3), and read the legend as “Mazdâ the Vanquisher”. Humbach, contra this, doubted Mazdâ worship in the Kushan, partly by suspecting the authenticity of ωOPOMOZΔO coins, and interpreted the legend as “Winner of Wisdom”. A Bactrian inscription of Kanishka the Great, discovered in 1993 at Rabatak (North Afghanistan) and published by Sims-Williams (1995/96), declares that Kanishka worshipped both Ahura Mazdâ and MOZΔOOANO as different gods and that both of the views above mentioned are not the case. 7 deities of the inscription correspond virtually, considered the interchangeability between the deities in Awesta, to those of Kanishka's gold coins (fig. 1). In Awesta they form Mithraic circle, and we find “remainder” each one in the circle and in the inscription and coins. The former is Fravaši, the latter MOZΔOOANO (<*Mazdâ-van). In all Awestan invocations of Fravašis they are addressed as aša-van and the synonymity of aša- with Mazdâ- is well attested. It is highly probable, supposed in an unorthodox Zoroastrian society like that of the Kushans whose supreme god is not Ahura Mazdâ but seemed Mithra, that Fravašis were worshipped under their own designation *Mazdâ-van which might have been robbed of them by the orthodox who used Mazdâ- almost invariably as the name of the Lord (Ahura).
    Only one figure ever found who rides in the way as MOZΔOOANO does is the ancestral images of the Káfir-Kalásh (figs. 5, 6) who survive in Hindukush valleys holding fast their own tongues (as archaic as those of Veda and Awesta) and —at least as to the Kalásh— own pagan religion. Their cults of ancestors, not only their making the wooden images, but the festival called Mandahík (meaning “coming of the deads”) which is well comparable with Hamaspaθmaêdaya, Zoroastrian festival for Fravašis (ancestral spirits), are linked up with warriors' god Mahandéw who is in a Kalásh myth also a rider on a dicephalous horse and only his altars have additional 2 (totally 4) wooden horse-heads (fig. 7). Mahandéw is, so to speak, a kind of archetype of ancient Indian war god Indra as a complex of divine beings and heroes (see Benveniste & Renou 1934). Fravašis are sometimes fearful warriors and Awestan descriptions of them are, as Wikander pointed out, comparable with those of Indra and his men (Maruts) in Rig-Veda. MOZΔOOANO, like the images of warrior-ancestors of the Káfir-Kalásh, and not like other Kushan deities, is figured as an armed Kushan monarch. The riders on a dicephalous horse common to the Kushan and the Káfir-Kalásh must be considered, not as an coincidence or as a result of direct connections between them, but in the Indo-Iranian context.
  • 青柳 かおる
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 53-66
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (d. 606/1209), an Ash'arite theologian after Abu Hamid al-Ghazali (d. 505/1111), is a thinker who is influenced by philosophy and also has an inclination to mysticism. The author tries to clarify the role of the interpretation of mi'raj in his thought by examining of his Qur'an exegesis (tafsir), Mafatih al-Ghayb.
    Mi'raj means the ascension of Prophet Muhammad which is based on Qur'an 17:1, and there are many traditions (hadith) of mi'raj. A later tradition says that Muhammad made the nocturnal journey (isra') from Mecca to Jerusalem riding on Buraq with Gabriel, and ascended to the presence of God, by passing through seven heavens, meeting a prophet at each heaven.
    In the interpretation of Qur'an 17:1, Râzî proves that the journey of Muhammad was made with both soul and body and it was not a mere vision. In the interpretation of Fatihah, on the other hand, he interprets mi'raj as follows: Muhammad reached God after passing through the two material worlds, the earthly world and the heavenly one, and also experienced spiritual mi'raj, that is, the spiritual ascension from the material world to the invisible one (spiritual world), and to the further invisible world (God). This spiritual mi'raj means the ascendant process of a soul which aims at annihilation (fana'), and man can experience spiritual mi'raj through mystical exercises.
    This interpretation of spiritual mi'raj is based on his classification of beings. He classifies created beings into that which occupies space, that which resides in subject that occupies space and that which does not occupy space nor does reside in subject that occupies space.
    It seems that Razi tries to take mysticism into his cosmology which mixes the theological atomism and the philosophical ontology through his interpretation of mi'raj.
  • 栗山 保之
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 67-83
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Yemen is situated in the southwestern corner of the Arabian Peninsula. In 626/1228 the Sunni dynasty of Rasulids (626-858/1228-1454) conquered Lower Yemen, and thereafter they were constantly pitted against the Zaydi Imamate that ruled over Upper Yemen. The Rasulids built many madrasa in Zabid, the largest city in the Tihama, for the purpose of training and protecting the Sunni ‘ulama’. This measure was taken in order to assert the legitimacy of their rule over Yemen and prevent the advance of the Zaydi Imamate. Under the Rasulids there existed several distinguished families who produced a succession of ‘ulama’. These families included the Banu 'Ujayl, Banu al-Manbah, and another was the Banu al-'Imran, who are taken up for consideration in the present article.
    In the 6th/12th century the Banu al-'Imran, who had living in the Tihama, migrated to the village of Masna'a near the city of al-Janad in the southern highlands of Lower Yemen. Because the Banu al-'Imran had already produced several renowned ‘ulama’, the ‘ulama’ of this region began coming to study under members of the family. During the reign of the Rasulids sultan al-Muzaffar Yusuf b. 'Umar, a member of the Banu al-'Imran by the name of al-Qadi Muhammad b. As'ad b. Muhammad b. Musa b., al-Husayn b. As'ad al-'Imrani formed a close friendship with the sultan. Consequently, with the backing of the sultan's authority, the family came to have enormous influence, especially in the administration of justice, and they began to appoint as qadi those ‘ulama’ who had connections with the family. This led to confusion and corruption in the administration of justice. But after the death of the sultan al-Muzaffar and the installation of a new sultan, the Banu al-'Imran were deprived of their power.
  • スブキー家の場合
    近藤 真美
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 84-102
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper is written with the following aims: To show concretely how al-Subki family took opportunities to increase the prosperity of their family and how they kept this prosperity, and to consider what the limit of this prosperity was. I would like to take as a starting-point an examination of the actual conditions of ‘ulama’-society under the Mamluks.
    The following summarize the main points made in this paper:
    (1) The first step in the family's prosperity occurred when two members of the family took the post of qadi of Egypt, and one of the two took the post of mudarris in Cairo. The two were devoted to the education of their son, Tagiy al-Din (d. 756/1355). (2) After Taqiy al-Din received the post of qadi al-qudat of Syria, members of the family began to receive the many important posts in the fields of the judiciary and education, and they thus became rich. This was because of Taqiy al-Din's fame in jurisprudence, and because of the families' efforts to secure these posts, for example, through the use of bribery. (3) It is thought that one of the reasons behind the limitations on the family's prosperity in Cairo is that there was no room for them to establish a base of prosperity, and that, because of this, they tried to establish a base via forming relations with influential Syrian families through marriage. (4) However, a base couldn't be completely established in Syria. The reason may have been because the plague attacked many members of the family.
    From an examination of the case of al-Subki family, we can get a picture of a part of the rigid ‘ulama’-society in that era. That is in that era a few families were already influential and it was difficult for families to expand their sphere of influence.
  • 中村 廣治郎
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 103-120
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Interest has been legalized by the civil law in Egypt since 1883. However, there were criticisms and protests agaist it, particularly in the fundamentalist upheaval of Islam since 1970s, to the effect that interest was the prohibited riba according to the traditional interpretation. Islamic banks were opened one after another in this trend, and the clause of the Constitution was amended from “the principles of the Islamic law are one of the legal sources of legislation” to “...the principal source of legislation” in 1980.
    In these circumstances there was a suit for the payment of interest in 1985. The local court passed the judgement against the plaintiff for the reason that interest was riba, according to the revised provision of the 1980 Constitution and the Qur'anic verse, “God permits trading and forbids riba” (2:275). The plaintiff appealed to the higher court of Isma'iliyah, which repealed the sentence of the local court and ordered the payment of interest in 1987. It was al-'Ashmawi who drafted the decision as chief judge. Later he elaborated his view of riba in al-riba wa'l-Fa'idah fi'l-Islam in 1987.
    Certainly, according to this work, riba is prohibited in the Qur'an (2:275-80, 3:130, 30:39). But the descriptions are general and comprehensive, and the meaning is vague. It is even difficult to decide whether the prohibition is makruh or haram. As for the well-known five Hadiths, there are various difficulties of interpretation. Furthermore, they are all “Hadith of single isnad” (ahad) which is not reliable. Therefore, it is necessary to interpret the Qur'anic verses according to the “causes of revelation” (asbab al-tanzil), which reveal the fact that the riba prohibited in the Qur'an is “the riba of Jahiliyah.” In the time of Jahiliyah, the debtor often became a slave of the creditor being unable to pay the debt because of usury. On the other hand, the interest of the present economic system is totally different from this riba. Therefore, interest is not to be prohibited.
  • トランスコーカサス文化とメソポタミア文化との結節点
    紺谷 亮一
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 121-138
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Uruk Period is considered to be the period in which a large scale trading network expanded to the north, mainly along the Euphrates river, nearly covering the entire area of Western Asia. This period corresponds to the Late Chalcolithic Period in Anatolia. The main cities in this period were generally located in places where communication could be conducted by water.
    As far as the trading network is concerned, the contact between Mespotamian alluvial plains and the mountainous regions such as Zagros and Taurus foot hill has been emphasised. Apparently, northern Syria, northern Mesopotamia and southwestern Iran had close relationships with the Uruk culture. On the other hand, Anatolia is considered as a local region indirectly influenced by Uruk culture. Such influence came from main cities in the middle Euphrates basin (Habuba Kabira).
    However, from a different point of view, it is possible to construct an entirely new theory for Anatolian culture in this period. Evidence supporting such a theory was found at Arslantepe, which is located near the city of Malatya in the upper Euphrates basin, eastern Anatolia. Its altitude is high enough to bring to snow and severely cold winter to this region. In spite of that, the Uruk merchants expanded their trading network as far as the mountainous regions to acquire the rich mineral resources of Anatolia.
    Furthermore, according to new archaeological materials, Arslantepe, in which Uruk and Transcaucasian materiais were found together, suggests a close relation between the Transcaucasian region, Black Sea region, eastern Anatolia and Mesopotamia. The Transcaucasian region has richer mineral resources than Anatolia, as well as developed metal industries. Arslantepe played a role as the transport center between its northern neighboring region like Transcaucasus and southern Mesopotamia. This is based on a new trading network system which had not been proposed until now.
  • 杉山 剛
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 139-154
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the Old Assyrian period, the main merchandise in Anatolia was tin and textile, which were brought by Assyrian merchants. Besides the goods that entered Anatolia from foreign regions, local goods were also merchandised in the commercial network established in Anatolia. Perdum is one of these local goods which was analysed as “mule(?)” by K. R. Veenhof, in the light of Nesr. C1. In a recent study, H. Sever published kt. t/k 1 and 25 which is related with perdum. These texts show us the details of perdum's trading procedure. On the other hand, from texts AKT 1 78, kt. n/k 755 and n/k 1637, we understand that the trading of perdum had to be carried out according to some local controls. As it is known, some goods such as amutum and aši'um were under the control of Anatolian local palaces and karum office. Comparing the aspects of amutum/aši'um trade, it can be said that trading perdum was controlled by treaties between these authorities. Perdum, the merchandise which is likely to have a relationship with some Anatolian cities such as Purušhattum and Wahšušana, has not been attested in the transportation to Aššur, and this situation also suggests that there were strict local controls.
  • 前田 龍彦
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 155-170
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Sukala-maddava that Buddha had taken at the last time in his life is now interpreted as rotten flesh of boar or mushroom, in a sense, poison. It is natural to think that either could have caused Buddha's death. Buddha himself, however, said that nobody could eat those substances except himself. It is difficult to believe that Buddha is portrayed as weak as an ordinary human in Buddhist texts, for Buddha defeated Mara, death. This interpretation makes nirvana seem somehow negative. Therefore we have to search for an affirmative answer for nirvana, in the background of Indo-Iranian or Indo-European culture, because the Pali language belongs to Ancient Prakrit.
    A boar, if that is what sukala means, is identified as Vrtra in Rgveda (I. 121.11; I. 61.7; VIII. 66.10; X. 99.6 etc.), and as one of ten incarnations of Vishnu, Varaha which made the world reborn in the Bhagavatapurana (III. 13), also Verethragna who runs in front of Mithra in the Mihr Yasht (70). In addition, in the Taittiriyaranyaka (I. 10.8), a black boar saves the world by appearing from the bottom of water. His 10 incarnations symbolize winter, and death (RV. X. 51.3; Vendidad, 4), and these incarnations signify the voyage in the underworld. Now, Verethragna is the guide of Mithra in the darkness of night. Namely, the boar signifies an obstacle, winter, night, death and the underworld, and also acts a helper of renewal, of rebirth. Boar, therefore, has two meanings: obstacle and helper, psychopompos, to go to heaven.
    While the name “Chunda” has no special meaning, it is important that he is a son of a blacksmith, kammarah. Blacksmith is an alchemist, which is symbolically important, and the divine blacksmith, Tvastr, is a creator of Vajra for Indra. An alchemist makes gold from base metals, and is a person who can make a mortal Buddha into a gold immortal being, and vajra is the weapon to kill Vrtra, to defeat death.
    Another item is in the Mahaparinibbanasuttanta, “A pair of golden clothes” (4.35) that Buddha wore. “A pair” is equal to “twins”, whose meaning is “death and rebirth”. The twin Sala trees also mean “death and rebirth”, and “gold”, and the name of hiranna (golden) river (5.1), that Buddha crossed just before entering nirvana, are symbols of “eternity”. Two offering foods, Sujata's and Chunda's, that Buddha praised (4.42) are also “a pair”. One, Suj ata's, was for “birth” of Buddha and the other, Chunda's, was for his nirvana, “death”. This pair too has the same meaning. They all signify the future of Buddha.
    Thus in my opinion, Sukala is a flesh of boar, and eating of it makes Buddha equal to vrtrahan, and means going to heaven. People who have the same Koine could easily understand that Buddha was eternal. Probably the interpretation of sukala as mushroom happened in China: sukala could be translated into a food of “eternity” in Chinese thought, ling-zhi for example.
  • 中田 一郎
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 171-178
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 永井 正勝
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 179-182
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中田 考
    1999 年 42 巻 1 号 p. 183-194
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
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