オリエント
Online ISSN : 1884-1406
Print ISSN : 0030-5219
ISSN-L : 0030-5219
45 巻, 2 号
選択された号の論文の14件中1~14を表示しています
  • 山田 恵子
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 1-25
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The variety in the appellations of seas attested in the Assyrian royal inscriptions from different times essentially originated in scribal efforts to renovate the use of geographical terminology. In course of time most of the terminological components went through changes in usage. A representative case is tâmtu elenitu ša šalamu šamši, “the upper sea of the setting sun”. This term originally designated Lake Van in the texts of Tighlath-pileser I, but some four hundred years later the same term was used to refer to the Mediterranean in the texts of Sennacherib. We recognize two major factors behind this phenomenon.
    One was the creation of the term “the sea of the setting sun” (tâmtu ša šulmu šamši) to designate the Mediterranean in the reign of Shalmaneser III. This term became a common appellation of the Mediterranean in later Assyrian inscriptions, and in the texts of Sargon II it was almost the exclusively-used term for the Mediterranean.
    The other factor was the establishment of tâmtu elitu (upper sea) as a major appellation for the Mediterranean in the late Neo-Assyrian period. Here we deal with two similar but originally distinguished terms, t. elenitu and t. elitu, both literally meaning “upper sea”. The former had been applied for the first time to the Mediterranean in the later texts of Tiglathpileser I (t. elenitu ša mat amurri, “the upper sea of Amurru”), departing from its original usage for Lake Van as attested in the texts of Tukluti-Ninurta I as well as those of Tiglath-pileser I himself. On the other hand, t. elitu, though it had been a classical term for the Mediterranean in the Mesopotamian tradition since the Old Akkadian period, usually forming a pair with “the lower sea” (t. šaplitu), i. e., the Persian Gulf, was not used as a major term in the Assyrian royal inscriptions until the reign of Tilath-pileser III. When Sennacherib's scribes revived within the royal epithets the archaic expression for Lake Van, “the upper (elenitu) sea of the setting sun”, it was undoubtedly regarded just as a variant of the current term for the Mediterranean, “the upper (elitu) sea of the setting sun”.
  • 三津間 康幸
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 26-55
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Cuneiform texts recently published in ADRTB 1-3 (A. J. Sachs & H. Hunger [eds.], Astronomical Diaries and Related Texts from Babylonia, Vols. 1-3, Wien, 1988-1996) consist of contemporary and continuous records not only of astronomical data but also of historical events in Achaemenid, Seleucid and early Aršakid Babylonia (Akkad).
    The aim of the present paper is to clarify the functions of three types of generals who often appear in descriptions of historical events in the “Diaries” under Seleucid (305/4-141/0 B. C.) and early Aršakid (141/0-61/0 B. C.) rule: “the General (of Akkad)”: LB GAL ú-qu/ú-qa or GAL ERÍN-ni/ERÍNmeš (kurURIki); “the General who is above the Four Generals”: LB GAL ERÍNmeš šá ana UGU 4 GAL ERÍNmeš (with variants); and “the Chief of the Troops”: LB GAL. GAL ú-qa-a-nu/ú-qa-an. It is probable that each of these posts was occupied by only one person at any given time.
    The conclusions drawn in the paper may be summarised as follows:
    1) The army commander in Seleucid and Aršakid Babylonia was “the General (of Akkad), ” at least until the first appearance of the title “the Chief of the Troops.” The corresponding official title in Greek seems to be στρατηγóς. The post was below that of “the General above the Four Generals” which is probably to be equated with “the Satrap of the East” (probably corresponding, in turn, to Gk. ο επι των ανω σατραπειων) of the Seleucid kingdom. One variant of the title for the latter “the General of Akkad who is above the Four Governors, ” indicates that this official controlled a number of provinces, because the word “Governor (LB mu-ma-'i-ir/GAL. UKKIN)” here no doubt corresponds to the Gk. σατραπης, the “governor” of a province (e. g. Babylonia), whereby the “Four Generals/Governors” will be the “Generals/Governors” of the provinces in the Seleucid East. The variant “the General of Akkad who is above the Four Governors/Generals” probably shows that “the General above the Four Generals” sometimes doubled as “General (of Akkad).”
    2) Under Aršakid rule, some Seleucid official posts (“General [of Akkad], ” “General above the Four Generals, ” “Governor, ” etc.) were preserved, but the territory controlled by “the General above the Four Generals” was probably limited only to Babylonia. One variant of the title “(Who is) above the Four Generals of Akkad” appears in 141/0 and 133/2 B. C. (used on the latter occasion in the translation of royal correspondence!) We cannot, however, find any instances in the “Diaries” where there were more than two “generals” exercising their authority concurrently in Babylonia, so that “of Akkad” in the title seems to have been added only to indicate the location of the territory and the title most probably does not reflect the actual state of affairs.
    3) Between 119/8 and 112/1 B. C., the post of “the Chief of the Troops” was established replacing that of “the Satrap of the East.” The bearer of this office probably exercised both military and judicial power either over Babylonia or a number of provinces including Babylonia, since in 91/0 B. C. an official whose title
  • 藤井 守男
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 56-74
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Rawh al-arwah, written by an erudite preacher Shihab al-Din Ahrnad-i Sam'ani (d. 534/1140), is the first complete commentary in Persian on the Divine names (al-asma' al-husna). In this significant Sufi treatise, the author has emphasized on the superiority of the human being to the angels by arguing that the heart of human beings, unlike those of the angels, is the treasure of love and pain.
    Although some of the points that Sam'ani discussed are traceable to Maybudi's Kashf al-asrar (written after 520/1126), a well-known -Persian Qur'anic exegesis with mystical inclination, the originality of his thought and style of preaching (wa'z) in the Rawh al-arwah is evident. This text unquestionably forms a decisive element for formation of Persian Sufi literature in its historical development.
    It seems that Sam'ani, an eloquent preacher with great talent as poet and tradition narrator (muhaddith), was under the influence of the Ash'arite school of theology. In this treatise, he extensively discusses such topics as acquisition of the predestination (kasb-i taqdir), the omnipotent power of God (qudrat), beatific vision of God in the Hereafter (ru'yat), and inner speech (kalam-i nafsi). This author concludes that Ash'arite doctrines informed the framework of Sam'ani's mystical thought and that his various discourses, tinted with mysticism in the text, were formed mainly under the influence of these theological dogmas.
    This author's investigation into the mysticism of the Rawh al-arwah makes it clear that this treatise constituted an important work that marked a turning point in the development of Persian Sufi thought during the 6th/12th century. The beauty of God (jamal) causes an aesthetic sense (dhawq) in the heart of an ascetic (zahid), and the sense transforms him a narrator of the divine beauty. The aesthetic sense gifted by the Divine beauty is one of the main characteristics by which one can distinguish tasawwuf (Islamic mysticism) from zuhd (Islamic asceticism).
    Sam'ani's thought had an extensive impact on the Persian mystical literature. Particularly, the poetry of Farid al-Din 'Attar (d. 627/1229 or 618/1221), one of the most gifted Sufi poets, can be considered as the one that shares the same characteristics as Sam'ani's Rawh al-arwah.
  • 澤井 一彰
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 75-92
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to clarify the Narh system, which was an official price system in Istanbul, using historical records of the 16th and 17th century. Until now, since only research on the Narh system has consisted of a few notes attached to the transcripts of the Narh defteri (register), the actual condition of the Narh system has been seldom clarified. This paper tries to clarify the actual condition of the Narh system by using the Mühimme defteri and the Kanunname in addition to the Narh defteri.
    In the Ottoman Empire, as the population increased rapidly in the 16th century, procurement of food and its smooth distribution became indispensable. Especially, since many people flowed into Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, it was a top government priority to ensure the smooth distribution of goods there.
    In this situation, the Narh system, where prices were determined by the Ottoman government, was very important at the following two points. The first point was protecting people from shortage of goods, unfair dealings or speculation. At that time, when the price of grain jumped because of the chronic shortage of grain, unfair dealings and hoarding were rampant in Istanbul. The Ottoman government tried to stabilize the price using the Narh system, and also tried to bring about regular distribution by forbidding these injurious acts. The second point was preventing a rapid fall in the price of goods produced by esnafs by having decided the price of their products, in addition to supplying a sufficient quantity of materials to esnafs at the official price. By selling goods at a price set by the Narh system, esnafs were able to have their profits stabilized without suffering damage from dumping. This promoted smooth distribution of the products produced by esnafs while guaranteeing procurement of raw materials for esnafs and their production activity.
  • 田口 晶
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 93-110
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the last decade of the Ottoman Empire, Muhammad Kurd 'Ali (1876-1953), a leading intellectual in Modern Syria, was a well-known journalist. He campaigned against the Ottoman government in his Arabic periodical, al-Muqtabas, and in a daily paper of the same name. However, upon the outbreak of the First World War, he abandoned his cause and collaborated with the Ottoman government in the production of anti-Sharifian propaganda. This study examines the background to the tunabout in his thought, to which little attention has previously been paid, in light of his discourse and practice.
    The attempt of Kurd 'Ali to criticize the policy of the Ottoman government through periodicals and daily papers and to support constitutionalism through activities in the Arab Revival Society (Jam'iya al-nahda al-'arabiya) deserves mention as part of the struggle to pluralize the centralized state of the Ottoman Empire and to form an autonomous space for critical discussion in Arabic within the public sphere. Although the Arab Revival Society changed its name to the Syria Revival Society (Jam'iya al-nahda al-suriya), a close relationship was maintained between having an Arabic-speaking public sphere and having a common identity as Syrians. Moreover, Kurd 'Ali's argument about Syrian autonomy led to an acceptance of the eventual strengthening of the Ottoman Empire through the rationale of providing for the defense of Syria and Syria's assumption of responsibility for public works in place of the Ottoman government.
    Kurd 'Ali's wavering led in practice to a “politics of identity”, the stance of claiming identity and place in the social structure. But it brought about oppotunism through a narrowing of political concerns. This is borne out by the fact of his support for the first Arab Congress (1913) in Paris and his approach to the Ottoman government under the policy of appeasement after the Congress.
    Kurd 'Ali's subjection to the existing order during an exceptional wartime situation was a means of survival, but the conflict between his wavering discourse and his acceptance of gradual reform in practice resulted in the loss of his political autonomy.
  • 宮城 美穂
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 111-132
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The conflict between the Byzantine Empire and the West in the twelfth century has been one of the most important themes in Byzantine history. Some papers have even hinted that the Byzantines, including the Byzantine historian Nicetas Choniates, preferred the Muslims as neighbors to the Cathoric Westerners. Previous papers have generally argued that Choniates, who wrote his History from 1185 to 1207, testified to this conflict when he criticizes the Westerners who conquered Constantinople in 1204.
    A survey of his use of expressions with γενος, εθνος and βαρβαρος, however, shows that he valued the Westerners most highly among the various peoples around the Empire. While the Byzantines are always referred to as γενος (=people), the Turks as the Muslims most known to the Byzantines at that time are always referred to as βαρβαρος (=barbarian). The peoples in the Balkan Peninsula play only relatively negligible roles in his book. The Westerners are sometimes referred to as γενος who had friendly relationships (=øιλος, øιλιος and øιλια) with the Byzantines, although they are also sometimes referred to as βαρβαρος when they used crude violence to-wards the Byzantines. These facts indicate that Choniates distinguished between the Westerners and the other peoples around the Empire and that he had a prejudice against the Turks.
    In short, the History should not be interpreted in light of the conflict between the West and the Byzantine Empire. It is true that Choniates blamed the Westerners for their cruel conquest, but in comparison with his view of the Turks, it can still be argued that he speaks for the pro-Western Byzantines who regarded the friendships with the Western countries as the vital means of saving their Empire.
  • 高野 太輔
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 133-147
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In 76 A. H./695 A. D., a Kharijite leader, Salih b. Musarrih al-Tamimi rebelled against the Umayyads in the region of Dara with the horsemen under the command of Shabib b. Yazid al-Shaybani. Although Salih was killed in the early stage of the revolt, Shabib succeeded him and led the remnants of the Kharijite forces through the region of al-'Iraq. The men who followed Shabib numbered barely over one hundred, because the “Kharijite” forces were mainly made up of his own tribesmen, Banu Shayban, in spite of their summoning the other Arabs to the faith. Al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf al-Thaqafi, the notorious governor of al-'Iraq, sent the Kufan troops one after another against Shabib whose army defeated all of them and rushed into the city of al-Kufah, killing those who prayed at the great mosque, and moved away up to the eastern mountainous district. In the next year the Kharijites invaded al-'Iraq again, defeated the army of fifty thousand men under the command of ‘Attab b. Warqa’ and camped outside the city of al-Kufah, facing al-Hajjaj himself there. But the Syrian troops who were sent by the caliph 'Abd al-Malik pushed them back and made Shabib drowned in his crossing the river of Dujayl at the end of 77/697.
    For all that the Kharijite rebels were regarded as fanatic extremists from the viewpoint of later Sunni Islam, the Arabic sources which narrate the course of the revolt seem to glorify them as mighty horsemen and fearless soldiers. This is because Shabib rebelled against the Umayyads, the enemy of the 'Abbasids who would overcome them and build a new dynasty under which the remaining Arabic chronicles and biographies were written.
  • 山崎 光子
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 148-164
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Mystics often express in their writings how difficult, rather how almost impossible it is to tell what they want to tell based upon their own mystical experiences. However, many of them dare to try. Thus some questions can be asked, such as why they have to tell or how they tell.
    'Ayn al-Quda t Hamadhani (d. 525/1131) is one such mystic. In his work Zubdat al-Haqa'iq, Hamadhani not only confess that impossibility, but also consciously analyzes from a linguistic point of view why it seems impossible. His aim is tell about the events of the above-reason region, or the region of wisdom, since he is earnest about leading reasoning people from the region of reason to the above-reason region. However, such a transcendental region is beyond language delimitation. It is impossible to express it as it is by normal language. Therefore, he is forced to write using a special method of expression, namely “metaphorical expressions (tashabuh, mutashabih etc.)”. He says that he needed much effort to make his language express the true state of affairs within the above-reason region as accurately as possible, even if it could never transmit the real facts of that region.
    As some features of this method of expression, I will give three examples. The first type is applying one term to what are, in a true sense, different meanings between the two regions. The second is applying schemes of the events within the region of reason to those within the region of wisdom, the third is through apophatic wording and contradictory statements, proving the region of wisdom transcends the bounds of the region of reason. Sometimes using philosophical or theological terms and notions, Hamadhani seems to pursue the possibility of linguistic expression through them.
    These “metaphorical expressions” are an incentive for the reasoning person to attain the above-reason region. However, these are only clnes on how to do so. Hamadhani gives his readers repeated warnings not to stay within the range of “metaphorical expressions”, and recommends them to come to believe in the above-reason region blindly. This belief is the final condition for attainment of the region.
    Consequently, I would like to say it is worthwhile to grasp how to comprehend mystical texts, for we can get hints here to help us decide how we should face the texts and finally head for the reality the existence of which the texts suggest.
  • 阿久津 正幸
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 165-183
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In fear of the extinction of the knowledge and the death of scholars, Umayyad Caliph Umar II is reported in hadith to have said, “Pick up the traditions of the Messenger of God and write them down” (Sahin al-Bukhari, Chap. of 'Ilm, §34). This report makes clear the fact that manuscripts of Islamic religious sciences are media for preserving records and also means for transmitting knowledge to the next generation. Many studies are now beginning to stress the peculiar nature of the person-to-person style in Muslim traditional education and regard Muslim education as a cultural practice. As a result, written material (i. e. the manuscript) has not attracted broader interest among modern historians of Muslim education except for the revision and compilation of certain texts. Although, when we focus on how learners receive educational contents of the religious sciences, we can say, even in the above-mentioned hadith, that written material does not necessarily lose its importance. Rather, we should be aware that it is indispensable material in Muslim education.
    First of all in this brief article, I will introduce information about the Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts that was accumulated in Aleppo up until the mid-20th century. The Manuscripts were kept in the library called Dar al-Maktabat al-Waqfiyya al-Islamiyya, which was located in al-Madrasa al-Sharafiyya next to al-Jami'al-Kabtr. Its catalogue consists of 8 collections; each had been historically collected in religious waqf institutions (jami', masjid, madrasa etc.). The catalogue was arranged finally by the hand of a religious scholar of Aleppo, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Saradar, and the collections were administered under him until they were transferred to the Asad Library in Damascus by governmental decree in 1986.
    In addition to providing a short history of the manuscripts and libraries, I will try to indicate a few possibilities about the “archaeology of the manuscript.” Through a short survey of Islamic writing and book history, while considering the study of historical sources, I would like to emphasize as a hypothesis that the manuscript could be regarded as being document-like evidence reflecting the actual learning activities of scholars and students. This research would open a way, beyond our lack of historical sources, to understand the curriculum in pratique at the place of education in Islamic history.
  • 前田 徹
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 184-191
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 蔀 勇造
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 192-195
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 長谷部 史彦
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 196-199
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小笠原 弘幸
    2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 200-203
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 2002 年 45 巻 2 号 p. 209-234
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
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