One of the most prominent monks of the fourth century, Macarius the Egyptian has been treated in various ways by the literary tradition of the Christian Orient. Homilies attributed to him, although they have been proved to be unauthentic, are among the most read of spiritual texts; apophthegmata related to him are well known; and all these works have been transmitted in several languages of the region, as is also the case with his Life, the subject of my doctoral dissertation. One might expect that we know much about this famous figure.
However, it is far from certain that various anecdotes, such as those included in the Life, show us the historical figure of Macarius. What do we know about the real Macarius? The first half of the article discusses this problem, and it appears that the historical figure of Macarius is shrouded in legends. As for the Life, since it stands at the end of the tradition concerning Macarius, though it seems out of the question that it has value as a source for the historical Macarius, it is better to consider the Life as a source for the image people of later generations had about Macarius, and of course this in itself is not without interest.
A different approach is adopted in the second half of the article, in which history is seen from the transmission of the Life. It is shown that in the process of transmission, the Life touched various interesting literary movements, such as a large-scale translation project into Bohairic from either Greek or Sahidic, hitherto almost unknown activity involving translation from Bohairic into Syriac, the probable encounter of Arabic text (s) with the Byzantine literary movement of metaphrasis, etc.
It is the author's conviction that these two approaches are complementary and necessary when one deals with problems related to early monasticism in Egypt.

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Julfar is a well researched archaeological site located in the Arabian Gulf. The name of Julfar is found in old documents, printed maps after the 16th century and indeed remains the name for the modern local area. The city of Julfar was founded in the middle of the 14th century and became a large city in the latter half of the 14th century, declining in the middle of the 15th century. The size of its residential area was the largest in the region at the time.
We have some questions concerning the urbanization of Julfar. What kind of city was it? Why was it established? Why did it suddenly collapse? How did the people live there? These questions are discussed in this paper by using the change in settlement plans and combination of finds excavated from seven stratigraphic horizons at the site. Topographic data is also used to help reconstruct the layout of the city.
Huge amounts of ceramics, such as Chinese blue & white and green ware, Myanmar green ware, Iranian glazed ware and local unglazed earthenware demonstrate the developed urban life of Julfar and its connections with long distance maritime trade. Palm houses were built on the coast in layer 7, the lowest earliest layer. Mud brick houses densely covered the area in layer 6 a, showing the establishment of a crowded city. This declined gradually afterwards, as can be seen from the house plans in layers 5 to 1.
The daily subsistence of its inhabitants was obtained from a combination of marine resources and domestic livestock, supplemented by food cultivated in farms in the vicinity. The discovery of ornament and metal workshops shows that industrial activities were also carried out. Julfar became famous for pearling. Trade with Hormuz seems to have influenced the development and subsequent decline of Julfar.

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In Ottoman cities, the shoe industry had played an important socioeconomic function as one of the chief industries. Very few studies, however, have ever tried to elucidate the actual state of the shoe industry and guilds. This study aims to create a concrete picture of their role in eighteenth-century Istanbul, with a focus on their structures, processes of their production and trade, and their relationship with the government. The principle resource used in this paper was the Ahkâm Defterleri, which was published as Istanbul Esnaf Tarihi by the Istanbul Arastirmalari Merkezi.
The shoe industry was clearly divided into two sectors—production and retailing. Shoemakers had become specialized according to the type of shoes they made. They had their own guilds according to the kind of shoes and were all well organized under a leader called the dikicibasi. Meanwhile, most shoe retailers had their shops in shoe markets called arasta. Each market was staffed with one kethüdâ to supervise the shoe retailers working there. The kethüdâ of the kebîr arasta administrated all the shoe retailers in the city. He also had a degree of influence on the shoemakers' guilds and undertook to maintain cooperation between the shoemakers' and the retailers' guilds.
Though the guilds needed the approval of kadis or the government in regard to all matters, they were hardly interfered with by the government, but were managed and administrated strictly by the leaders in a quite autonomous manner. Especially, shoemakers had to buy materials and produce shoes in accordance with the regulations which guilds made to protect members against violation of their rights.
This paper concludes that the guilds of the shoe industry in eighteenthcentury Istanbul formed a complex structure in order to supervise their members who produced and sold many kinds of shoes in many places, and that the guilds were granted a relatively wide degree of autonomy.

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Mahmud II's famous speech has led to the belief that he endeavored to integrate his non-Muslim subjects by treating them and his Muslim subjects equally. However, little attention has been paid to the policy aimed at the non-Muslims of that period. To clarify this policy, this article analyzes the integration process of the Armenian Catholics. Before the recognition of the Armenian Catholic community, the Ottoman government attempted to exclude the Catholic converts. In 1830 however, the French intervention compelled the Ottoman government to recognize the Armenian Catholic community and to permit them to have their own chief and be independent of the Armenian community.
To integrate the Armenian Catholics, the Ottoman government emphasized that the Armenian Catholics were the re'âyâ of the Ottoman Empire and did them favors by accepting their requirements. The Ottoman government attempted to portray that the newly appointed patriarch of the Armenian Catholics had an equal status with the Rûm and the Armenian patriarchs. For this purpose, the government conferred decorations on the three patriarchs simultaneously and informed the entire Empire about this event through Takvîm-i Vekayi'. This led the Jews to request a similar conferment, and to answer this request, the Ottoman government started to appoint the hahambasi at the Bâb-i 'Alî with a decoration and a robe of honor.
Despite these favors, it cannot be said that Mahmud treated his non-Muslim and Muslim subjects equally. The word re'âyâ means both “the ruled” and “non-Muslim, ” and in Takvîm-i Vekayi', articles concerning non-Muslims appeared after articles on the Muslims.
Therefore, it can be concluded that the Ottoman government attempted to integrate non-Muslim subjects by granting them favors through novel means, while retaining Muslim superiority.

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The east and the north walls of the burial chamber of the 6^th Dynasty Saqqara tomb of Idut (usurped from Ihy) ane inscribed with almost identical offering lists of 96 items. I studied these lists, reconstructing them to the extent possible, using the five main sequences of an offering ritual suggested by G. Lapp: 1. introductory rites, 2. Opening of the Mouth rites, 3. introductory rites (repeated), 4. invitation to the deceased, and 5. the presentation of food offerings. The origin of this offering ritual can be traced to the royal ritual seen in the Pyramid Texts Spells 23-171, and the repetitive formula in the Spells was presumably recited, while the offerings were made. Research on these lists elucidates the metaphorical implications embedded in the names of the offerings, each of which refers to the ‘Eye of Horus’, and demonstrates that the ‘magical effect’ of the lists is to support the deceased Idut in her transformation into the divine _??_-state through the offering ritual.

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The purpose of this paper is to reexamine the classification of bronze socketed arrowheads in the southern Levant proposed by the Israeli archaeologist E. Stern.
Stern classified bronze socketed arrowheads found in Palestine into three types, namely, Types A, BI and BII. According to Stern, Type A is related to the Scythians of the 7th century B. C., and the latter two types are connected with troops of the Achaemenid dynasty.
The author agrees with Stern in thinking that the arrowheads of the Seythians and the Achaemenids should be separated. However, his classification seems to be lacking in the following three points. Firstly, various types of arrowheads are treated all together as Type A. Secondly, Stern's Types BI and BII remain to be classified in detail. Thirdly, Stern did not refer to socketed arrowheads of non-Scythian/Achaemenid origin. Taking account of these three points, the author attempts to reexamine Stern's classification. The results are as follows.
First, based on the chronological framework of Scythian arrowheads established by the Russian archaeologist A. I. Melyukova, the author classifies Stern's Type A into five types. Through comparison with arrowheads from Scythian graves and from other regions in Western Asia, the author concludes that each type appeared in the southern Levant at a different period or was brought in by a different caltural group.
Second, to prepare for establishing the chronology of Achaemenid arrowheads, the author, adding some recently published examples, classifies Stern's Type BI into two sub-types, and BII into three, based on the shape of the blades, which range from broad to narrow. By analogy with the typology of Scythian arrowheads, the author supposes that there was a shift from broad to narrow in the blades of Achaemenid arrowheads.
Last, the author examines two other types of socketed arrowheads. Through comparative analysis, the author concludes that one of these is connected with mercenaries of Saka in Central Asia, and the other is connected with the Eastern Mediterranean coast.

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In this paper I deal with an unidentified manuscript held in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Münich 378^c, which is a chronicle covering 402-436H, namely the latter part of the Buwayhid dynasty. This manuscript preserves the content of the chronicle of Hilal al-Sabi, almost all of which has been lost, and has therefore been used in the study of Buwayhid history. Because it is an unidentified manuscript, its value as a source is diminished. In this paper I was able to determine the author and title of Münich 378^c, and in that process it became clear that there is a problem of the manuscript line of Mir'at al-Zaman, and then I tried to organize this problem to.
In 1905 Amedroz examined Münich 378^c by comparing it with the manuscript of Mir'at al-Zaman Or. 4619, but he came to no conclusion about the relationship. First, I reexamined his work, and I demonstrated the reason why he did not conclude that Münich 378^c is a manuscript of Mir'at al-Zaman. Because, Or. 4619 is different from Münich 378^c with respect to contents and the number of articles.
Second, I compared Münich 378^c with manuscripts of Mir'at al-Zaman preserved in libraries of Istanbul, for example the libraries of Ahmet III and Köprülü. Münich 378^c and the manuscripts of Mir'at al-Zaman in Istanbul turned out to belong the same line of manuscripts. Namely, Münich 378^c is Mir'at al-Zaman, and the author is Sibt b. al-Jawzi.
Finally, in this paper I showed that Mir'at al-Zaman has two lines of manuscripts. Although this fact has been pointed out by Cl. Cahen and Li Guo, I demonstrated that problem of manuscript lines of Mir'at al-Zaman is more complicated than heretofore realized.

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The identification of the “Island of Qanbalu” has been one of the main issues since the beginning of East African studies.
Previous studies about this have tended to understand Qanbalu as a proper noun referring to a specific place. Thus, they have tried to discover its location by coordinating the descriptions in the written sources and evidence from such fields as archaeological research, geographical landscape, and Swahili etymology. However, this article criticises these methods as misguided, because very few of the authors on whom the researchers rely for their information about this island of Qanbalu had visited the East African coast themselves. Rather, this article proposes that these descriptions are a reflection of the geographical understanding of each author. This paper focuses on these descriptions using this hypothesis and proposes a new interpretation for the island of Qanbalu.
This article ascertains that through the eleventh century, all descriptions refer to Qanbalu as a centre along the east African coast. In addition to this, the evidence from several contemporary Arabic dictionaries and descriptions based on direct experience leads to the hypothesis that Qanbalu was originally a common noun applied to several entrepôts along the east African coast by sailors and merchants.
However, by authors without direct experience Qanbalu is described as single place, and moreover, from the twelfth century, on though this place-name is still mentioned as a centre, each author locates this island at different point and gives different physical characters. This change can be understood in light of the contemporary high concern with the Indian Ocean region.
After examination, the following is submitted as new interpretation: 1. originally Qanbalu was not a specific proper nown; 2. over time different authors have placed it in different locations, depending on their understanding of the map of the East African coast.

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The aim of this paper is to examine how εσπερα and δυσιζ, both meaning “west”, are used in Byzantine historiography of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It is concluded that εσπερα and δυσιζ, when used to designate Hungary, meant simply “west”, while the same words when used to designate the Crusades, the Holy Roman Empire and other Western powers, meant “Western Europe” and were used in the context of its military power.
In the eleventh century, εσπερα and δυσιζ were used in contrast to εωζ, which means “east”. These words served to change the scene from wars with western enemies to those with eastern enemies, and vice versa. Besides that, they expressed the Byzantine imperial ideology that the Byzantine Empire was situated in the middle of the civilized world surrounded by the western and eastern barbarians. In the twelfth century, however, εσπερα and δυσιζ came to be used without “east” in many contexts and began to be used to modify the word “troops” when describing the Western countries' armies.
Much research has concluded that Byzantine historiography defined Western Europe as a society characterized by the Catholic Church and feudalism. This survey, however, shows that it characterized Western Europe by the military power that finally conquered the City of Constantinople in 1204.

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The Society of Jesus sent several missions to northern Ethiopia from the middle of the sixteenth to the middle of the seventeenth century. The codex MS779 in the District Archive of Braga in Portugal contains sixty-eight documents on the Jesuit northern Ethiopia mission. M. da A. J. de Vansconcelos made a catalogue of these documents, and A. de Oliveira published nine of them. However, little attention has been given to the importance of this codex for the study of northern Ethiopian history. The purpose of this paper is to consider the origin and history of MS779 and to show its importance in the study of northern Ethiopian history.
The conclusions of the author are as follows:
1. MS779 contains drafts of the Historia de Ethiopia a alta ou Abassia written by the Portuguese Jesuit M. de Almeida.
2. Most documents of this codex were written between 1598 and 1652.
3. Originally the documents of MS779 were preserved in the Jesuit archive at Goa.
4. There is only limited information on the odyssey of MS779 from Goa to Braga. However, it seems most likely that this codex was carried out from the Jesuit archive at Goa when Marquis of Pombal oppressed the Jesuits in Portuguese territory and passed through the possession of J. Banks, President of the Royal Society of Great Britain, and of others, before it was finally acquired by the District Archive of Braga.
5. MS779 contains unpublished letters dispatched by the Jesuits from northern Ethiopia. These documents contribute to the study of northern Ethiopian history during the reign of Susnayos (r. 1607-1632).
6. In this codex, there are drafts of letters and books written by the Jesuits. These documents reveal the process used by the Jesuits in the northern Ethiopia mission for writing letters and books.

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