The archaeological excavations at Tel 'Ein Gev, Israel, from 1990-2004 yielded finds from a major fortified city, including a casemate wall, a citadel, and several tripartite pillared buildings. However, the date of these buildings and even the date of the establishment of the site itself has not been clarified yet. Until now it has been believed that there were two strata of pillared buildings and that the city wall was contemporary to the lower pillared buildings because the wall supports the podium of these buildings. However, the pottery sherds from the city wall include types older than the ones from the lower pillared buildings.
Through the analyses of both the pottery assemblages and the stratigraphy of the building remains, the present writer shows that it is more reasonable to see three strata of pillared buildings, dated to the 8^th, the 9^th, and the 10^th centuries B. C. To study the pottery assemblages, I categorized bowls, kraters, cooking pots, and storage jars as to type and analyzed the frequency of their appearance according to the building units and strata. As a result, it is clear that there are three distinct pottery assemblages for the pillared buildings. The assemblage from the citadel coincides with the middle period assemblage from the pillared buildings, and from the city wall the types from all periods appear.
Concerning the building remains, the foundations of the northern and the middle lower buildings appear to have two phases. The building methods and the materials of these buildings were also different from those of the southern lower building, suggesting different construction time. Further more, during the probe (L510) in the north of the northern pillared building, which had hitherto been considered to be at the lowest level, an even lower floor was discovered. I also show that it is impossible to argue for a 9^th century date for the lower pillared buildings based on the typological similarity of the casemate wall of 'Ein Gev to those of Jezreel and Samaria.
From these studies, I conclude that the Iron Age stratigraphy of Tel 'Ein Gev should be divided into three strata (St. IV, V, VI) and that the city started during the 10^th century B. C.

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Semitic morphology has been a “puzzle” for linguists. The aim of this paper is to clarify the morphological nature of Semitic “root” and “pattern, ” and to define them from general linguistic point of view.
The main function of the Semitic root is to dynamically mediate between a word and a new word derived from it by carrying over the meaning and consonantal structure of the former to the latter. Linguistically speaking, the element which has this function should be called a base. Hence the Semitic root can be regarded as a sort of base consisting of consonants only.
The Semitic pattern has a structure predictable by a phonological rule, i. e. the syllabification rule (Goldsmith 1990). In the CV-skelton formulated by the syllabification rule, consonantal elements, such as radicals (each consonant of the root) and some derivational affixes, and vocalic elements are arranged according to their morphophonemic motives. This method reveals the synthetic structure of derived words, which has been overlooked by the traditional analytic approach.

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This paper analyzes the establishment by the Ottoman Empire of the Yurtluk ve Ocaklik and the hükûmet in eastern Anatolia and their historical development.
After the Ottoman Empire took the eastern Anatolia under its control in the 16th century, it examined the situation of the land tenure and the distribution among the power of Kurdish amirs (chieftain) who had governed the area. This was aimed at merging eastern Anatolia into its local administration system. Thereafter amirs received sancaks (subdivision of a province) as a yurtluk ve ocaklik (hereditary holding) which authorized them to keep inherited privileges. The Ottoman Empire called the sancaks of powerful amirs eyalets (semi-autonomous sancak), but the distinction remained vague. At the end of 16th century when the word hükûmet started to be commonly used instead of eyalet, the sancaks of powerful amirs were designated hükûmets accordingly. The establishment of the hükûmet played a decisive role in differentiating the more and less powerful amirs by naming them separately.
Hükûmet means the exemption from the land survey and the timar (fief) system, and where all the tax income belonged to the amir. The definition of hükûmet changed over time. In some hükûmets the privileges of amirs were gradually undermined. On the other hand, the amirs who ruled hükûmets remained powerful, obtaining the title of han (khan) instead of bey at the end of 17th century.
The establishment of hükûmet exemplified the real nature of the Ottoman governing system. The Ottoman Empire introduced the Ottoman governing system, which embraced traditional political and social order into eastern Anatolia. In other words, the establishment of the yurtluk ve ocaklzk and the hükûmet represents one aspect of the reconstitution of traditional order by the Ottoman Empire.

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The purpose of this article is to examine the relations between the early Qajars and Tehran, their capital.
The development of Tehran undeniably began in the late eighteenth century, when the city was established as the capital under the Qajars. However, the relations between the early Qajars and the city have never been discussed completely. In addition, even the exact dates of the establishment of Tehran as the capital and the beginning of the Qajar rule over Iran have never been correctly mentioned in previous studies. On the other hand, some researchers claim, in the absence of substantial evidence, that since the Qajars originally belonged to Turkish tribal groups, they did not have much interest in urban areas.
The main points regarding the relations between the early Qajars and Tehran are as follows:
1. Aqa Mohammad Shah chose Tehran as his capital in the spring of 1785, when he entered the city. He brought with him artisans and builders from Esfahan to build his palace. He also brought his family from Mazandaran to Tehran. He was crowned in the spring of 1796 in Tehran, and started issuing his royal decrees after the Safavid form, which means he was enthroned as legitimate ruler of Iran.
2. It is true that the early Qajar court indulged in seasonal travels, mainly staying in Tehran during winter. However, unlike the Mongols, they spent two-thirds of the year in the capital. They always stayed in Tehran for the important occasion of Nowruz —the Iranian new year—and celebrated it by holding a ceremony. Only twice in forty-eight years did they hold this ceremony in other places. The ceremony was based on the legend of Jamshid, the legendary Iranian king. The Qajars initiated this custom and were succeeded by the Pahlavis.

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An important part of the NIN. DINGIR's installation is carried by the processions between the father's house and the temple of the weather god (^dIM). There are five processions in this installation drama (Emar VI 369). We focus on the fourth procession (Emar VI 369: 45). After the priestess goes to the weather god's temple on the day of enthronement, she is carried to her father's house in the evening. We can see the order of participants clearly in Emar VI 369: 45. Namely, the singers are first, the NIN. DINGIR is second, and the divine weapon is last. The singers lead the fourth procession and it is likely that this involved singing or playing musical instruments, though no such mention is made. We can not see clearly the manner of procession from another ancient Near Eastern texts. The passage of Emar VI 369: 45 is unique from the point of musical culture in the ancient Near East.
What is the function of musical activity in Emar VI 369: 45? It can be said that the divine weapon is associated with the NIN. DINGIR's sacred office in comparison with the text of Assyrian royal enthronement ritual (MVAG 41/3). The priestess is carried by two of her brothers in the fourth procession just like images of gods or divine emblems which are depicted in some drawings of the ancient Near East. We can see that the procession to the father's house is focused on the priestess. The city of Emar comes to a crisis when the former priestess died. The new priestess, who may bring welfare to the city of Emar, is sacred and important for the people of Emar. Processions, which accompany images of gods or divine emblems, function as a pattern of hierophany. Music is effective to produce hierophany in processional rituals. Thus we might see a production of hierophany in the musical activity of the fourth procession.

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Soon after the constitution was proclaimed once again, twelve Albanian clubs were established and started their activities in the main cities in the Ottoman Empire as follows: Monastir, Salonica, Janina, korça, Elbasan, Gjirokaster, Berat, Vlora, Filat, Starova, Üsküp, and Istanbul. The aims of these clubs were declared not to be for the political goals but to be for the cultural developments of Albanians. At the same time, publishing activities of periodicals written in Albanian, which were connected with clubs, was very active. These periodicals were mouthpieces for the clubs and propagated the ideas of Albanian nationalists. The main periodicals were Bashkimi i Kombit (Union of the Nation) in Monastir, Korça and Lidhja Orthodhokse (Orthodox Union) in Korça, Tomori in Elbasan, Bashkimi (Union) in Shkodra, Lirija (Freedom) and Diturija (Knowledge) in Salonica, and Besa (oath) in Istanbul.
Besa, which had two pages in Ottoman and two pages in Albanian, started to be issured in November 18 1908 and ended in No. 10 in January 30 1909. The main writer of this paper was Mehmet Frasheri, the youngest brother of Shemseddin Sami, the editor was H. Frasheri, and the publisher was Leka Tepelena.
The periodical Besa has not been analized in the study of Albanian national movement (neither Besa nor other periodicals). The reason is, I suppose, at first, that the periodical was short-lived and then that the writer and publisher were not the prominent figures in the national movements. But for getting hold of the characters of the Albanian national movements which resulted in independence in a short period, we are required to analyze comprehensively the Albanian periodicals issued in every part of the Empire.
For this point, the aim of this paper is just to introduce an Albanian periodical Besa as a historical material, showing some problems when we use these periodicals.
The titles of articles show that the Ottoman edition and the Albanian edition of the paper had different contents. We can suppose that each editon was for each reader (that is; for Ottomans and for Albanians). There can be seen some different tone in each edition. This paper which collects the publication information of this periodical is just the first step to analyze Besa. I hope this step will be a preparation for full analysis of Besa, eventhough there are some difference between Albanian language used in this periodical and Albanian nowadays which make it difficult for us to use periodicals in those days.

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This article explains how the Alevi revival movement has occurred since 1990s, and the process of the Alevi identity problems in contemporary Turkey. The Alevis, a heterodox religious minority, have in recent years organized Alevi associations throughout the country, as well as among migrant communities in Europe. At the same time, Alevi intellectuals and community leaders have set out to define the Alevi identity, tradition and history. I researched the emergence of an Alevi presence on mass media and what this emergence says about the expanding public discourse in contemporary Turkey.
The term ‘Alevi’ is complex and various meanings. The present discourse about Alevilik first emerged in 1980s. This emergence of Alevi discourse points up the complexities and difficulties in the emergence of various other discourses in Turkey. Questions such as ‘what is the Alevi’ are unavoidable in contemporary Turkish society.
The assertion of identity among Turkey's diverse religious and ethnic groups since the 1980's has taken on new dimensions through development of new communication channels, the expansion of the higher education system, and political and economic liberalization. New communication networks have aided the Alevi and Kurdish groups in their struggle for public recognition. With the help of new communication technologies, for example, the Alevis frame their local views in terms of universal concepts of human rights, democracy, and self-determination.
In this respect, I analyzed the Alevilik in popular periodicals published and available in Turkey. As a result, I defined three formations of Alevilik. The first one is the original Kurdish ethnicity or culture. The second one is a kind of mezhep. The third one is the original Turkish religion.

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The aim of this paper is to examine the phonetic realities of the historical schwa (@ below) in Israeli Hebrew. We asked our informant to read aloud lists of meaningful words with the pattern C@CVCV (C) and meaningless words such as/dadada/and/dedede/. We recorded the phonetic data, analyzed them in terms of their duration and formant frequencies, and have found the following:
(1) @ was realized as [a], [e], [e] and null.
(2) [a], [e] and [e] differ qualitatively in terms of their acoustic properties.
(3) The [a] vowel corresponding to @ has been confirmed to be shorter than the one corresponding to the phonemic /a/.
(4) The vowels corresponding to @ and those corresponding to the phonemic /e/ differ qualitatively. The former can be designated as [e], while the latter is [ε].

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