This paper is to outline the management system of holdings in the Larsa Area immediately after the conquest by the First Dynasty of Babylon, through the consideration of the process of redistribution of holdings.
Hammu-rabi conquered Larsa Dynasty in his 30th year. He and Lu-Ninurta, a high official, managed new royal estates through officials (Siniddinam, Samas-hazir, etc.) delegated to the Larsa Area. These circumstances are roughly reconstructed through the administrative letters excavated from Larsa. Fields directly managed by Larsa Dynasty were confiscated, and holdings palace or temple had granted to subordinates were redistributed through land survey and change of holders.
In Larsa Dynasty, holdings had been inherited among paternal family without renewing registers. The holder was not always the same in registers.
Hammu-rabi changed this old management system of holdings. The new system can be roughly divided into two levels. While the first level means holdings were reconfirmed and the management was provisionally kept, the second means holdings were finally granted. The present author proposes that the former as “administration” can be distinguished from the latter as “management”.
First, officials clarified the holder of inherited holding (*eqel bit abim) to solve the land managerial inconsistency. If new receivers of holding had been subjects of Larsa Dynasty, officials reconfirmed (bârum) the inherited field as eqel sibtim “holding field”, and let them temporarily continue their production activities (“administration”). Then, to not only former holders but also immigrants and those who had had no field, officials granted (nadanum, kânum) field as *eqlum sa ilkim “ilkum-service field” that the holder should be the ilkum-service performer (“management”). Similarly, eqel sukusim “subsistence field” was granted, but it will be defined as a type of holding different from *eqlum sa ilkim (cf. the list in p. 17).
Thus, as the Laws of Hammu-rabi and the administrative letters show, a new management system was founded on *eqlum sa ilkim.

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In Middle Egyptian, bipartite nominal A pw sentences such as R' pw (“He is Re'”) are very common. Furthermore, entire sentences can be embedded into these constructions (S pw-constructions). The purpose of this paper is to define the syntactic and semantic properties of the S pw-constructions by comparing them with those of the Japanese no da-constructions.
The following is a summary of the main conclusions in this paper.
(1) The S pw-constructions form a grammatical category corresponding syntactically and semantically to the Japanese no da-constructions, which express explanatory modality.
(2) The semantic functions of the S pw-constructions fall into four subdivisions.
i) The speaker/writer (S/W) presents a state of affairs described by the embedded sentence (Q) to the hearer/reader (H/R); Q is related to the preceding context (P).
ex. ir dd=f ny 'nh=f pw (Ebers 97 13)
Moshi kare-ga “ny” to iu naraba, kare-wa ikiru no da.
If he says “ny”, this means that he will live.
ii) S/W presents Q to H/R; Q is not related to P.
ex. s pw wn(w) (Peas. R1. 1)
(Katsute hitori no) otoko-ga ita no da.
There was (once) a man.
iii) S/W understands Q; Q is related to P.
ex. Then I heard a thunderclap.
ib. kwi w _??_ w pw n w _??_ d-wr (Sh. S. 57-59)
Watashi-wa, umi no nami na no da to kangaete imashita.I thought the cause was a wave of the sea.
iv) S/W understands Q; Q is not related to P.
ex. gm. n=i hf _??_ w pw iw=f m iit (Sh. S. 61-62)
Watashi-wa, hebi-ga yatte kite iru no da to kizukimashita.
I noticed that a snake was coming.
(3) The morph pw of the S pw-constructions is not an anaphoric demonstrative pronoun, but an expletive serving only to provide a nominal slot for embedding an entire sentence.

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In pre-Islamic Arabia, tribal poets were highly esteemed members of society. They played a crucial role in advocating social norms and values through their poetry, chanting of tribal heroes who embodied those values. In this context, the brigand poets called Sa'alik stand out prominently. Their personalities are recounted in tradition as deviants from tribal society blessed with superhuman ability, as unstoppable plunderers who lived in endless poverty: quite contrary to the ideals of the rich and high-born heroes sung of by tribal poets. In the same way, poems attributed to the Sa'alik show distinctive features compared with the poetic convention of their time.
Since my study aims to advance S. P. Stetkevych's argument on the Sa'alik in order to reveal the underlying structure and meaning of their poetry through analyzing its elements in the light of “inversion” (a key notion developed by B. A. Babcock, P. Stallybrass and others), the reversed perception of women and relationship between women and the poets are focused upon in this paper.
The main part of this paper analyzes the opening of Ta'abbata Sharran's famous poem compiled into the Mufaddaliyat, the poetic anthology of Arab classics, to see how the conventional poetic motif of the Tayf al-Khayal (demon lover) is shifted and parodied. Furthermore, the perceptions of women in the poems and anecdotes of celebrated Sa'alik like Abu Khirash, 'Urwa b. al-Ward, al-Sulayk b. al-Sulaka and al-Shanfara are examined.
This paper concludes that women in Sa'alik poetry are characterized by independence and strength of will, verbal skill, and occasionally physical strength, and that these qualities tend to be connected with an untrustworthy, demonic nature, concealing craftiness and betrayal. This image is sharply different from the sheltered, luxurious women sung of in tribal poems, which placed special emphasis on carnal charm. As for the relationship between women and poets, Sa'alik maintained a constant but unstable relationship, interwoven with controversy, contrasting with the tribal poets who, after showing deep attachment, were destined to break bonds with their mistresses to prove themselves potential tribal heroes. Moreover, this paper points out that these alternative ideas and images proposed by the Sa'alik contain interesting ambiguity and ambivalence, and this observation might reinforce our assertion that the Sa'alik's inversion serves not merely to replace mainstream ideas with peripheral ones, nor heroism with antiheroism, but to threaten the boundaries between opposites and disrupt our sense of values.

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Mir'at al-zaman is one of the most enormous chronicles among Arabic historical works; it was written by Sibt ibn al-Jawzi in the 13th century. This work has been regarded as one of the most important sources of history contemporary with the author and has the further value of containing other historical works which have already been lost. Nevertheless, Mir'at remains unedited except for some small parts and has scarcely been examined philologically yet.
Therefore, in this paper I examine Mir'at philologically and start on the classification of its manuscripts into groups.
The first fruit of this paper, is a table of the 111 known manuscripts of Mir'at, together with their bibliographical information, I was able to classify many of the manuscripts as belonging to one of two groups, though many I have been unable to classify yet.
I investigated the features of these two groups of manuscripts. As a result, it develops that one belongs to an abridged edition of Mir'at which was compiled by al-Yunini, the other belongs to an abstracted version which was compiled by an anonymous editor. Although the latter has been regarded as a copy of an original text of Mir'at in former research, I point out the error of this conclusion. I have been unable to discover any copy of the original text among the 111 manuscripts.
Thus, as I point out, the manuscripts of Mir'at which have been used for historical research on medieval western Asia are not those of Mir'at itself, but are historical works abridged from original in a later period. In other words, medieval western Asian history has never been examined using Mir'at itself.

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The present article explores some factors involved in the process of the transformation of the Sufi organizations calld tariqas in Egypt from the late 18th century to the first half of the 20th century.
Until the beginning of the 19th century, the word “tariqas” did not refer to an organization at all; rather, literally translated, it meant the “Sufi Way, ” which is a specific method of devotion. Actually, each tariqa consisted of a number of small groups, each headed by its own shaykh; this implied that a tariqa did not have to be a single unified organization.
Through the institutionalization of the Egyptian tariqas initiated in 1812, a new principle in the Sufi organizations was introduced, whereby a tariqa was to be an organization headed by only one shaykh, or shaykh al-tariqa. This principle created a situation which encouraged the breakup of the tariqas, since now the autonomy enjoyed by each group within the tariqa was considerably restricted. In fact, we observe an explosion of emergent tariqas in the 19th century as many of these groups began to claim that they were independent “tariqas.”
This new principle was stipulated in the regulations issued in 1895 and in 1905, which must have aimed at the stability and continuity of the tariqas. However, this could not put an end to the recurrence of divisions. Rather, a number of khalifas started requesting the government to appoint them as shaykhs of their own tariqas. and used it as the justification for their claims.

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Mineralogical and experimental examinations were carried out on the clays that it was thought could have been used during the Naqada I period or earlier. The investigations showed some features as follows: 1) the clays used during the Naqada I period were the so-called Nile Silt, 2) potters of that time exploited two types of clay, which were possibly fired by different methods, and 3) the firing of the pottery made from the fine clay was probably conducted in a firing structure. These results suggest that the techniques of making pottery had been fully sophisticated by the end of the Naqada I period.
Certain changes occurred in ceramic production during the Naqada II period. Some pottery types typical of that time began to be manufactured from Marl Clay, while the Naqada I pottery had been made only from Nile Silt. The parallel ridges on the rim of some Naqada II pottery suggest the introduction of the turning device. The disappearance of black spots may indicate that the updraught kiln was also introduced to the Naqada culture. The use of the similar calcareous clay, the turning device and the updraught kiln in the Syro-Palestinian region predated the introduction of these into Egypt. This fact suggests that the new information on ceramic production came from Syro-Palestine.
The new mode of pottery production appears in the clay preparation, in the shaping process and in the firing method. Such an overall change suggests the influx of foreign potters into Egypt rather than learning through the superficial imitation. Furthermore, is it likely that only potters came to Egypt? It should be concluded that á large group of people migrated from Syro-Palestine and that this stimulation was a major factor in making the Naqada Culture mature enough to expand into Lower Egypt.

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Prosopographical investigations are essential to the comprehension of the administrative-economical texts from Ugarit, because of the utter lack of dating in the tablets and the frequent lack of headings or colophons, either because they were not there originally or because they were damaged.
In this study, the present writer tries to restore the so-called ‘kiln tablet, ’ KTU 4.412, and to date this tablet based on the prosopography.
First, the present writer confirms that the three fragments, KTU 4.545, KTU 4.518 and KTU 4.512 were originally part of KTU 4.412. Second, he concludes that the first group of names in the second column of KTU 4.412 consists of members of the tnn-profession, because people of those names are listed as being of that profession in PRU 6.82, the second column of KTU 4.35 and KTU 4.66. He also concludes that the third column of KTU 4.412 lists members of the nqd-profession, for its names are listed as such in KTU 4.624 and KTU 4.681.
On the basis of these restorations, the present writer assumes that all the abovementioned tablets should be dated to around the time of the last regnal years of King Ammittamru II. Now, KTU 4.624 is a list of the issue of various weapons to menbers of the nqd-profession. Taking this into consideration, this tablet must have been made against the background of a state of emergency. If so, the occasion may have been the battle of Nihriya between the Hittite king and the Assyrian king in the first regnal years of King Ibiranu mentioned in the epistle RSO 7.46, or the dispatch of the messenger by the Hittite king for an inspection which is mentioned in the epistle PRU 4.192. Thus, The latter seems more likely. the present writer hypothesizes that the at least 85 people of various professions listed on KTU 4.412 may have been mobilized hastily at Ugarit for this inspection.

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In the context of tasawwuf (Islamic mysticism, or Sufism), the Arabic term fikr and the synonymous tafakkur mean ‘meditation’ (in Japanese, ‘meisou’) as one of the Sufi practices. This is why the title of al-Ghazali (d. 1111)'s “Kitab alTafakkur” (in his Ihya' 'Ulum al-Din) has been translated as“The Book on Meditation”. But the term fikr/tafakkur has been employed in fields other than tasawwuf For example, in Islamic philosophy, fikr means ‘cognition’, one of the internal senses of man. In the field of natural science, fikr means scientific pursuits which originate in religious motives. Al-Ghazali was surely aware of this wide scope of the term, so we cannot understand his concept of tafakkur as a whole just by considering it from the viewpoint of tasawwuf.
From the descriptions al-Ghazali gives us, we can find various elements introduced from different fields; logic (tafakkur means a definition in the form of a syllogism), Sufi practice (in relation to a person's acts and qualities, taffakur is that which is done to make oneself a better believer), and natural science (in relation to the world as God's creation, tafakkur is that which is done to understand God's greatness through observation of nature). The term ‘meditation’ does not represent all these elements, nor does ‘meisou’. It would probably be best to use the transcription tafakkur as the name of the practice and to translate it differently according to each context.

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As is commonly known, the Mühimme Defteri is one of the historical sources most widely used by Ottoman history researchers. In the Islamic world, the Ottoman Empire in particular has a great variety of historical documents. Among them, the Mühimme Defteri is considered an extremely important source for the richness and the diversity of its content and for its continuity. The Mühimme Defteri is an indispensable source as the number of historical documents handed down in the Ottoman Period before the Tanzimat Era are limited. Therefore, a multitude of research has been carried out based on the Mühimme Defteri. The greater part of the Mühimme Defteri used in past research is archived in the Basbakanlik Osmanli Arsivi (BOA) in Istanbul. From the summer of 2002 to the spring of 2006, the author intensively reviewed all 73 Mühimme Defterleri fonds considered the oldest, those which date from the late 16^th century, as well as all other registers of the period categorized as Mühimme Defteri.
As the contents of the individual registers classified as Mühimme Defteri by the BOA have not been adequately investigated, for this paper, the author focused on explaining the contents of the historical documents by identifying those which really do not belong in the Mühimme Defteri. As discussed in previous research, fonds from the so-called Mühimme Defterleri, Mühimme Zeyli Defterleri, and A. DVN. MHM. Defterleri were categorized as Mühimme Defteri although they consist of many registers not recognized as general Mühimme Defteri. Thus among the materials that are classified as being part of the Mühimme Defteri in the BOA holdings, it is made clear which registers do not actually belong in the Mühimme Defteri and what kind of content those historical materials have.

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This paper, evolving out of six months of fieldwork, examines the Kurdish cemaats within the Nurcu movement, one of the most conspicuous Islamic movements in modern Turkey. It mainly deals with the largest of these, the Med-Zehra group, its organizational structure, activities, and ideas.
Med-Zehra, as a Nurcu member, follows the path of Said Nursî (1876/77-1960), the Kurdish founder of the movement, and thus is engaged in various educational and cultural activities through its network of dershanes. These are located in cities such as Istanbul, Ankara, Diyarbakir and Van, and concentrate especially on giving classes on the collected works of Nursî, the Risale-i Nur (Epistles of Light). Med-Zehra plans to construct a large-scale “Education and Culture Centre” in Istanbul as a focus of such activities and as the realization of Medresetü'z-Zehra, the university Nursî dreamed of establishing in Eastern Anatolia.
The activities of Med-Zehra aim at the formation of a true Islamic community in which all Muslim ethnic groups live together, while each supports itself. Their goal is ultimately the establishment of a state by each of these groups, in particular by the Kurds, which would then participate in an international “Union of Islamic Republics”. According to Med-Zehra, Nursî found that there is in the notion of nationalism a positive aspect which becomes “the cause of mutual assistance and solidarity” within an ethnic community and by promoting such conduct “ensures a beneficial strength, and further strengthens the brotherhood of Islam”. Nursî in fact used the term nationalism in a rather vague manner, but the position taken over by Med-Zehra may be considered as presenting a new type of Kurdish nationalism against that of the secularist nationalists such as the well-known Kurdistan Workers' Party.

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