The term “ha. na” found in the Mari texts from the Old Babylonian period has been interpreted as a proper noun referring to a “Hanean”. However, in his paper of 1992, J. -M. Durand concluded that ha. na did not designate a certain ethnicity, but was used as a common noun meaning “nomad” or “bedouin”. Since then his explanotion has been generally accepted. Meanwhile D. E. Fleming took ha. na as Sim'al pastoralists, and W. Heimpel took ha.na in three ways: (1) the ancestral tribal unit, (2) nomad or pastoralists, and (3) Sim'al pastoralists. But is it possible to consider ha.na as meaning a “nomad” or “bedouin” or “Sim'al pastoralist”?
As Heimpel wrote, it is clear from a number of the kispum-rituals and the Assyrian King List that ha. na designates a certain group of tribes claiming common ancestry among the northern Mesopotamian nomads (e. g., hana Yamin (a), hana Sim'al, pursat hanû). I think it probable that throught this consciousness of unity, the nomads in northern Mesopotamia called themselves “Haneans”. Namely, the term ha. na was the general term for those nomadic tribes: accordingly, the term ha. na must be considered as a proper noun, “Hanean”.
In the administrative texts of Mari, the majority of names of tribes (Yamin and Sim'al) and of clans (ga'um) appear in designations of individuals. ha. na also appears thus. However, in about half of the texts, ha. na does not refer to personal identity, especially when mentioned among occupational names. In these cases, ha. na is clearly meant to be a common noun, a “pastoralist”. Moreover, the texts of tebibtum (census) employ the term ha. na to designate nomads in general in the target region of the census.
From these observations, I argue that the term ha.na was originally used as proper noun referring to a “Hanean” and that from it a common noun was derived with the meaning “pastoralist”. However, it does not seem that the word meant a “Sim'al pastoralist”.

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The auther investigated the ancient balance-weights from Central Asia and it was comfirmed that the Central Asian weight system was the oldest in the world. It is thought that the development of the system must be related to the trade of gold, silver amd lapis lazuli. The auther points out that Altyndepe in south Turkmenistan should be the ancient kingdom of Aratta described in the Sumerian legend.

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Gemiler is a small island near Fethiye in south-western Turkey. From 1991 to 2002 the “Research Group for Byzantine Lycia” carried out a survey in Gemiler and the neighboring area and excavated “Church No. 3” of the island, located near the top of the mountain. It was proved that this island had prospered in late antiquity and declined afterward, and that this church had a certain relationship with devotion to St. Nicholas. At the present Gemiler is also called “St. Nicholas Island” in this area.
This article researches the origin of the name of “St. Nicholas Island” on the basis of information in medieval and early modern portolano texts. A Greek portolano of the 16th century states that this island was called “Perdikonisi” (Partridge Island) and that St. Nicholas Church on the top of the mountain was the landmark of the island. In 1490 the Venetian Bernardino Rizo wrote that “Pernixe” Island was called “St. Nicholas Island”. Thus it is obvious that Gemiler island was called St. Nicholas Island in the 15th century.
Some Italian portolani refer to a port near Macri (Fethiye) called Perdiciae, or similar names. As one of them reported it as “portum habentem insulam ante se” (a port having an island in front of it) and there are no islands except Gemiler and Karacaören between Macri and Patara, the “Perdiciae” in these portolani must have been a port near Gemiler Island. I think this port is the later “Port of Levisi, ” or the present Gemiler Beach, which is located on the mainland to the north-west of Gemiler Island. Thus it seems that Perdiciae originally was the name of the port on the mainland but that in the 14th century the name came to refer instead to Gemiler Island, which came to be called “Partridge Island” as well as “St. Nicholas Island” because it was the landmark of the entrance to the port of Perdiciae.
Another Venetian, Marino Sanudo Torsello (c. 1300), provides other important information about the Lycian coast near Macri. As his description clearly contradicts other portolano texts and geographical facts, we should not rely on him too much. But his expression “S. Nicholaus de Leuixo” seems to indicate that in his time Gemiler Island was famous for the St. Nicholas Church on the top of it.

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In the 1990's, when the civil war in Afghanistan was still fierce, a series of remarkable findings for Afghan archaeology, especially for historical archaeology, was made. The Buddhist site of the 8th century and accompanying Bactrian inscription unearthed near Tang-e Safedak, a small village lying about 125km west of Bamiyan, are counted among them. The northern Hazarajat, to which this Tang-e Safedak belongs, is one of the least documented areas in Afghanistan. The present paper tries to illuminate the history and geography of this area, investigating fragmental information found in the Arabic, Persian and Chinese sources.
In the beginning of the 16th century, Zahir al-Din Muhammad Babur, the founder of the Mughal dynasty, and in the 19th century, a couple of British military officers, travelled from Herat along the Hari Rud river and reached Yakaulang, which is the present center of northern Hazarajat. In the 11th century, Ghaznavid Sultan Mas'ud b. Mahmud seems to have taken the same route when he took flight from Dandanagan where the decisive battle between Ghaznavids and Seljuqs was fought. After travelling through the Hari Rud riverine system, Mas'ud halted at a place called Ribat-e Karvan, which was described as a part of Guzgan and about 7 days journey from Ghazni. The identification of historical Ribat-e Karvan with modern Yakaulang leads us to a general outline of the history of northern Hazarajat from the 7th to the 12th centuries and may be of some help in the further research in the pre and early Islamic history of this area as well as northern Afghanistan.

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It is generally accepted that the origin of the Saljuqids (Seljuks) is the Qiniq clan, one of the clans in the Turkish Oghuz tribe. While it is considered as “a historical fact, ” the origin also has been linked with Afrasiyab, the legendary Turkish hero in Iranian myth by many traditional historians. Although both the origins were stated in many previous studies, it has not been explained why the Saljuqids have been linked with two totally different origins and how traditional historians described it. This article reexamines the descriptions of the origin of the Saljuqids by analyzing all available Arabic and Persian sources written before the end of the 16^th century. Especially, the following two points are focused on: 1. How were the two origins described by traditional historians? 2. How was the image of the Saljuqids formed in after ages?
Conclusions:
1. Even in the Saljuqid period, the Afrasiyab origin, the fictional origin, came to be stated in some sources. After fall of the Saljuqids, the Persian historians preferred the Afrasiyab origin. The main reason for this is that when writing Persian general histories, it was considered important to link the origins of Iranian dynasties, including the Saljuqids, with Iranian mythical heroes. Furthermore, as in the 14^th century Jami'al -Tawarikh of Rashid al-Din, the prototype of the history of the Turkish tribes, the image of the Qiniq is rather negative, the Qiniq origin was avoided.
2. In this background, also there was a positive image of the Saljuqids. In particular, Hamd-Allah Mustawfi, the author of the 14^th century Tarikh-i Guzida, bestowed his utmost praise on the Saljugids, and he was often quoted by later historians. Thus, the positive image of the Saljugids became established, and the dynasty was often praised by later historians.

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In Egypt, in the mid-nineteenth century imprisonment became the principal form of punishment. However, prior to the British occupation in 1882, Egyptian prisons were not used as instruments of rehabilitation. Even in the first part of the British occupation, the colonial officials devoted their efforts toward improving living conditions in prisons, and paid little attention to utilizing prisons as instruments of rehabilitation.
In 1897, Charles Coles, ex-commandant of the Cairo police, was nominated as inspector-general of prisons. Until his time, the Egyptian prison system was not organized. But, in 1901 it was centralized by La'ihat al-Sujun, the Prison Law. According to this law, the Egyptian prison system consisted of three types of prisons, i. e., penal servitude establishments, central prisons, and local prisons. Of these prisons, the central prisons served as the main institutions in the Egyptian prison system.
Through Coles' reforms, living conditions in these prisons were gradually improved and offenders were given different treatment according to their sentence and criminal history. In the central prisons, first offenders sentenced to imprisonment or detention with labor were put to work in various workshops, such as those for blacksmiths, carpenters, tinsmiths, etc. Through this, they got a means to earn their living after finishing their terms. So, it was aimed at rehabilitating or training them. On the other hand, the other inmates were excluded from work in the workshops. Therefore, it can be also said that British colonial officials intended to rehabilitate and reform offenders efficiently by giving first offenders priority over repeaters or offenders who committed more serious crimes.
In conclusion, in the era of the British occupation Egyptian prisons, especially central prisons, were transformed into penitentiaries like ones in Western Europe.

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Circassian place-names in the district of Uzunyayla (Kayseri, Turkey) are to be analysed in terms of an anthropological approach to landscape. Circassians were forced to migrate to Anatolia by Russia's military conquest of the North Caucasus in the mid-19^th century. Uzunyayla, with 73 Circassian villages, is one of the principal locations where these refugees' eventually settled down and strove to reconstruct their homeland.
A landscape emerges at points where geography and human intentions meet. Place-names are the medium by which people inscribe history on natural environments and read history from them. S. Küchler (1993)'s “landscape of memory” is a landscape composed of a number of landmarks that record human actions. At the same time, she proposes to work on “landscape as memory”, i. e. a process by which history is re-negotiated on each occasion that events associated with these landmarks are recalled.
In Uzunyayla, a “landscape of memory” can be observed in the use of Circassian place-names that make a connection between the Circassians' homeland and their new “home”. Most Circassian villages are named after families known as “lords”. This practice tells a story that Circassians followed powerful leaders who struggled against each other. Such a landscape is part of Circassians' efforts to maintain an ethnic identity and territory in the face of the state's nationalist policy.
The fact that the great majority of these village names are contested means that the process of making a “home” is yet to be completed. Villages are given different names in a competition for prestige, and different village names are often supported by different types of resources. The history of the Circassians' settling in Uzunyayla is constantly re-shaped as different village names accompanying different foundation stories are set off one against another. In this “landscape as memory”, the production of history is open to dialogue.

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This paper discusses geometrics from Tall-i Mushki, which is the oldest Neolithic site in the Marv Dasht Basin, Southwestern Iran. The geometrics can be divided into two types: broad geometrics and narrow geometrics. Patterns of impact fractures on them caused by use suggest that those of the broad type were used as transverse arrowheads and those of the narrow type were used as transverse arrowheads and barbs. At Tal-i Jari B, which chronologically followed Tall-i Mushki, the number of geometrics has decreased and narrow geometrics have disappeared. This suggests that arrow technology became simple. This phenomenon was probably caused by introduction of domesticated animals during the Tall-i Jari B phase.

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Khentkawes is considered to have been a daughter of Menkaure and also a queen of Shepseskaf, the last king of the Fourth Dynasty. However she is still an enigma. Khentkawes was played an important role as a connection between the Fourth Dynasty and Fifth Dynasty. After she died, a mastaba tomb (LG100) was built in the area between the valley temples of Khafre and Menkaure. In this article I will try to reveal and retrace Khentkawes's life. As a result, it will also hopefully clarify the social and political conditions in the transitional period.
Firstly, it is necessary to consider LG100's structure and it's meaning because this tomb is very similar to King Shepseskaf's. His tomb is not a typical pyramid of the Fourth dynasty, but a mastaba. Moreover, his tomb was not built in Giza but Saqqara. Secondly, I suggest that there is a possibility that the Khentkawes who has a mastaba in Giza and the Khentkawes who has a pyramid in Abusir are actually the same person in terms of chronology, iconography and the shared title of “nswt bity mwt nswt bity” (“mwt nswt bity nswt bity”). If they are the same person, then she has two huge structures in the fashion of an Egyptian king. It is reminiscent of the Multi-Grave System that has two kinds of tomb-one for burying the body and one for receiving the worship of pilgrims. From the aspect of the Multi-Grave System, I also suggest the possibility that Khentkawes actually ascended to the Egyptian throne. If so, then Khentkawes was a pharaoh of Egypt or, at the very least, a person who was equal to a king and who had two huge monumental structures erected in her memory.

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Symeon the New Theologian is one of the most famous mystics of the Eastern Church, but he was also a renowned spiritual father in the post-Iconoclasm era. In his days laymen sought their own spiritual fathers among monks because they believed that monks had more powers to save their souls than priests did. When spiritual fathers visited their spiritual sons, many people—their families, relatives, friends, and neighbors—used to surround them and to confess their sins to them. There was a spiritual family which had a spiritual father at the center.
Symeon supported the role of monks as spiritual fathers of laymen and insisted that a spiritual father should be charismatic, not official. He venerated his late spiritual father, Symeon the Stouditis, who was not a priest, as a new saint, namely, a contemporary saint. His belief provoked a counterattack by the official spiritual fathers. Symeon was exiled by the ecclesiastics of the Church of St. Sophia. But his powerful lay spiritual sons and Nikitas Stithatos, his spiritual successor, eventually succeeded in restoring his honor. Symeon's belief in a charismatic father was handed down to the Byzantine society through his hagiography written by Nikitas.
The Byzantine society in the post-Iconoclasm era was a sort of the religious community, where people formed bonds around new saints. In this society even the Byzantine emperors needed a relationship with a new saitnt.

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