Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan
Online ISSN : 1884-1406
Print ISSN : 0030-5219
ISSN-L : 0030-5219
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Volume 53, Issue 1
Displaying 1-15 of 15 articles from this issue
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Articles
  • The Tomb Chapel of Isisnofret at Northwest Saqqara
    The Tomb and Its Owner
    Nozomu KAWAI
    2010 Volume 53 Issue 1 Pages 1-30
    Published: September 30, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 31, 2014
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.53.1_1
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    In 2008, Waseda University Egyptian Expedition discovered a previously unknown New Kingdom tomb chapel on the summit of an outcrop at Northwest Saqqara where a monument of Khaemwaset, the fourth son of Ramesses II, is located. The tomb chapel presents a typical plan of Ramesside date. The upper portion of the structure was largely missing, leaving only the foundation and some of the flooring. N0 textual evidence to identify the owner has been found in the tomb chapel.
     Excavations near the area to the west of the tomb chapel’s pyramid base exposed a shaft leading down to the burial chamber. In fact, the burial chamber is located under the base of the tomb chapel’s pyramid, indicating that it belongs to the tomb chapel. We discovered a sarcophagus in the burial chamber. Although the sarcophagus is of the usual Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom form, the exterior decoration is of typical New Kingdom style, characteristic of the Ramesside Period.Excavations behind the tomb chapel also revealed a possible “embalming cache” of Isisnofret on the northern extension of the tomb chapel’s central axis, supporting the idea that the tomb chapel belongs to Isisnofret.
     The owner of the sarcophagus is the “noble woman, Isisnofret.” A certain Isisnofret who has the title of špst and is mentioned as the daughter of Prince Merenptah appears in the Leiden Papyrus I 350 verso. Prince Khaemwaset too had a daughter named Isisnofret, although she is never described as špst on her attested monuments. The archaizing style of Isisnofret’s sarcophagus (which reflects the archaizing style of Khaemwaset’s own monuments) and the location of the tomb chapel of Isisnofret (orientated to the central axis line of the Khaemwaset monu ment—probably his ka-chapel) suggest strongly that the owner of the sarcophagus was Khaemwaset’s daughter.
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  • The Characteristics of the ʿArḍ in the Eastern Arab World during the 15th and 16th Centuries
    Shams al-Dīn Ibn Ṭūlūn's Autobiography and Biographical Dictionary
    Takuya NAEMURA
    2010 Volume 53 Issue 1 Pages 31-57
    Published: September 30, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 31, 2014
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.53.31
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    It is believed that the ʿarḍ was a customary "presentation” by young students of memorized texts before shaykhs (scholars). However, notwithstanding its circulation at least throughout the Eastern Arab World in the Late Middle Ages, the ʿarḍ has scarcely been discussed, with the exception of E. M. Sartain’s biographical study of Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī (d. 1505), which claimed that the ʿarḍ was a kind of entrance examination which qualified the young student for higher education at a madrasa.
     This article examines the ʿarḍ in the Eastern Arab World during the 15th and 16th centuries, mainly relying on two biographical works attributed to Shams al-Dīn ibn Ṭūlūn (d. 1546), i.e., his autobiography al-Fulk al-Mashḥūn and his biographical dictionary Mutʿat al-Adhhān. It uses two different approaches. Firstly, it gleans examples pertaining to the ʿarḍ from these works and notes general characteristics of the ʿarḍ, focusing on the three factors of the ʿarḍ, i.e., presenters, texts, and shaykhs. Secondly, it analyzes several of the phrases in the “ijāzas of the ʿarḍ”, which the shaykhs issued to presenters.
     This article concludes that:
     1. Most of the presenters were young students about 11 to 16 years old. Nevertheless, the ʿarḍ as such had nothing to do with entrance to the madrasas. Some of presenters had already started learning from scholars at the madrasas before their ʿarḍ.
     2. Most of the texts were general works. Yet the selection of the texts was left up to the discretion of each presenter.
     3. Presenters especially hoped to be recognized by “eminent” shaykhs. Therefore, jurisprudential differences between the presenters and the shaykhs did not affect the value of the ʿarḍ.
     4. The “ijāzas of the ʿarḍ” were not licenses to teach subjects or works but were just certificates of proficiency. Therefore, some historical sources do not even consider them to be ijāzas.
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  • The Abolition of Dawsa and the Rise of the Ṭarīqa Criticism in Modern Egypt
    Kei TAKAHASHI
    2010 Volume 53 Issue 1 Pages 58-81
    Published: September 30, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 31, 2014
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.53.58
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    This paper aims to reveal some modern aspects of the criticism of ṭarīqas in nineteenth-century Egypt, by illustrating the abolition of dawsa, one of the most Well-known Sufi rituals in nineteenth-century Egypt, in 1881. The abolition was actually a unilateral measure taken by Khedive Tawfīq with the support of the Europeans, who had repeatedly criticized it as a barbarous and inhuman ritual. While this harsh criticism of dawsa was obviously based on modern Western concepts such as humanism, enlightenment, and laicism, an analysis of the official circular announcing the abolition of dawsa proves that these concepts were also shared by the Egyptian authority. On the contrary, the majority of ordinary Egyptian Muslims had long appreciated dawsa as the manifestation of a miracle; therefore, they were naturally dismayed at its sudden abolition. However, it must be noted that a few Muslim intellectuals supported this measure, and the most well-known among them was Muḥammad ‘Abduh. In his articles on the dawsa issue, ‘Abduh justified its abolition by claiming that it was irreligious in nature and harmful to human dignity. Further, he expressed his conviction that its abolition was a marked occasion for the Egyptian society to get rid of superstitions and to advance into the stage of enlightenment. ‘Abduh’s reasoning indicates that he also shared the Western concepts mentioned above in his criticism, and in this regard, we may locate the modern aspects in the criticism of ṭarīqas in this period. However, this does not indicate that ‘Abduh’s criticism was a mere reflection of the Europeans’ concepts. Actually, he had derived these modern concepts from his own reinterpretation of Islam, and in this respect, we can safely conclude that Islam was the ultimate basis for his criticism.
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Notes
  • Bread in Ancient Egyptian on the Medinet Habu Calendar
    Analysis of the Numbers and Kinds of Bread on the Lists
    Asako ISHIHARA
    2010 Volume 53 Issue 1 Pages 82-105
    Published: September 30, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 31, 2014
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.53.82
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    For the Egyptians, who believed in rebirth after death, bread was indispensable to the living as well as the dead, dominating their entire lives and customs from the gods and the kings right down to the commoners. Records and the bread still exist, and bread appears on many of the lists of items excavated from the tombs.
     The research was focused on the bread of the list of offerings at the Medinet Habu which inherited the traditions of the Old Kingdom. Analysis of the numbers and kinds of bread on the lists showed that bread was important in ancient Egyptian society. There were monthly regular and annual feasts, and bread was indispensable at many of these including the top 7 that were considered to be the most important. It was also found that different kinds of bread existed, some of which were ofiered only at specific feasts.
     By analyzing the relationship between the seasonal composition of bread and the numbers of offerings, it was shown that numerous and important feasts were held when floods occurred. The ancient Egyptians seemed to have taken advantage of the annual floods on the Nile River.
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  • Malāmatī Tendencies Found in Qushayrī’s Risālah
    Megumi SAWADA
    2010 Volume 53 Issue 1 Pages 106-119
    Published: September 30, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 31, 2014
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.53.106
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    The Malamatiyyah is a group of Islamic mystics who appeared in Nishapur in the ninth century. Although its secrecy made unclear its historical details, one famous Nishapuan Sufi author, Sulamī (d. 1021) provides us with valuable information on them in al-Risālah al-Malāmatiyyah. It tells about some of their unique practices which were designed to help them avoid arrogance and to aid them in the purification of their souls, such as their practice of deliberately committing acts that would draw people’s censure (malāmah), concealing their high spiritual state, and earning their livelihood through mundane work. It is said that this group was absorbed by the rising tide of Baghdad Sufism in the tenth century.
     In the eleventh century, Nishapur produced one of the most famous Sufi authors, Qushayrī (d. 1072), whose Risālah is probably the most widely read Sufi manual in Islamic world. The present paper focuses on his regional link with Nishapur, and attempts to show how Qushayrī adopted some of the unique Malāmati precepts in his Risālah, such as their concept of futuwwah the insistence on the need for the purification of the soul (nafs), and the acceptance of censure. Especially in connection with the last of these items, it is noteworthy that Qushayrī devotes a whole chapter of his Risālah to “backbiting (ghībah)”, which is an unusual topic in a Sufi manual, and tells us there that being exposed to backbiting from others is directly linked with merit in the afterworld. These considerations not only us a new understanding of the Sufi thought of Qushayrī, but also suggest that Baghdad Sufism itself was transformed and underwent new developments under the influence of one particular local tradition, the Malāmatiyyah of Nishapur.
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  • Interviews at Pouguch Village, Darel
    An Inquiry into the Link between Pouguch Site and To’ Leih, Where Fa Hsein Made a Pilgrimage in 401 A.D.; Field Research in Northern Pakistan 2008
    Haruko TSUCHIYA
    2010 Volume 53 Issue 1 Pages 120-143
    Published: September 30, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 31, 2014
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.53.120
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    Evidence points to Pouguch in the Darel Valley as the most likely site of T’o Leih（陀歴） where Fa Hsien paid a tribute to the gigantic wooden Maitreya Buddha image, 24 meters tall. Fa Hsein described, “The Maitreya image was emitting an effulgent light on fast days and the kings of the surrounding countries vie with one another in presenting offerings to it.”
     Pouguch can be characterized as a temple site lacking defensive measures. The walls are of red mud. A mound probably remnants of the main temple, is centrally located. The site is near the mouth of the Darel Valley, far from the valley entrance which is at its opposite end.
     Interviews with Pouguch villagers were conducted since their folklore is considered to have remained unadulterated due to the long isolation of the valley, a result of geography as well as xenophobic and violent uprising. Men varying in age from 20s to 70s and from various walks of life: farmers, engineer, scholar and official, were asked what they heard of the Pouguch site. Their stories are strikingly akin to what Fa Hsien observed in T” Leih in 401 A. D.; 1) a major Buddhist temple of worship and learning, attracting pilgrims from Central Asia, China and Tibet, 2) contained an image of Buddha, 3) the image was made of wood, while solid gold, was also mentioned, probably mistaking the gold hue emitting effulgent light, 4) the image was colossal ; one person correctly stated 24 meters in height.
     The verbal tradition in Pouguch which has been passed down largely intact over 1600 years suggests the idea that Pouguch Site be the T’o Leih that Fa Hsein visited.
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