オリエント
Online ISSN : 1884-1406
Print ISSN : 0030-5219
ISSN-L : 0030-5219
53 巻, 2 号
選択された号の論文の10件中1~10を表示しています
論文
  • 有松 唯
    2011 年 53 巻 2 号 p. 1-33
    発行日: 2011/03/31
    公開日: 2014/04/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the mountainous lands of northern Iran, most of the excavated sites of the Iron Age (1450 BC ~ mid-3rd century B.C.) have been graveyards. Consequently, except for funeral customs, there is a lot of obscurity about certain basics such as the modes of habitation and the occupations.
     In this paper, we analyze dates from surveys of recent years together with the results of earlier investigations and present the basic data of the distribution of Iron Age sites of the study area. Based on this, we investigate the modes of habitation and occupation.
     In this analysis we date the surveyed sites in more detail, based on the results of the study of pottery. We also group and analyze sites according to their natural geographic conditions and compare them. In this way, through an understanding of both the detailed chronological changes and the detailed regional diversity of the distribution of sites, we attempt to grasp the relation between the distribution of the sites and the geographic factors.
     As a result, we find that in the Iron Age the number of settlements increased notably and their zone of distribution also expanded. But certain aspects of these changes were not always uniform throughout the region. Based on the diversity by area of the distribution of the sites, we can trace the process in which an area which has the particular geographic conditions began to be chosen. Because the increase of settlements was especially remarkable in that area, we can hypothesize that these shifts were accompanied by the establishment of new modes of habitation as well as shifts in occupation.
  • 「否定辞nn+主語+前置詞ḥr+不定詞」構文の再検討
    永井 正勝
    2011 年 53 巻 2 号 p. 34-54
    発行日: 2011/03/31
    公開日: 2014/04/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    The sentence apearing in lines 74-75 of P. Hermitage No. 1115 has been understood as a negative construction of a progressive sentence, nn sw ḥr sḏm, in many studies. This understanding is based on an assumption that the sign A1 tn the original text is so wrongly written that we should omit it or should emend it to A2. In this way, the transcription nn wi ḥr sḏm st is derived.
     However, in my opinion, the sign A1 in the original papyrus is the 1st person suffix pronoun=i and the text should be understood as a sentence with an adverbial predicate, nn wi ḥr sḏm=i st, “I am not in the situation that I hear it.” In this sentence sḏm=i st is thought of as an unmarked complement clause.
     As not even one correct example of the nn sw ḥr sḏm has been attested, I would like to propose that this constriction is a ghost form invented by modern scholars. As a result, the paradigm of the imperfective aspect, including the progressive form, would look like this:

            imperfective aspect (intransitive)
            habitual     progressive
     affirmative   iw(=f) sḏm=f   iw(=f) ḥr sḏm
     negative         n sḏm.n=f
  • エマルにおける用益質の一形態について
    山田 雅道
    2011 年 53 巻 2 号 p. 55-73
    発行日: 2011/03/31
    公開日: 2014/04/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the Emar texts, amīlūtu (LÚ.Ú.LU-), (lit.) “status of a free man,” appears as the technical term for an antichretic pledge of persons. This term is attested in eight texts (e.g., Emal VI 16: 2; also to be restored in ASJ 13-T 38: 3), and its counterpart term for a female, amīltūtu (MÍ.Ú.LU-), is found in one text (Subartu 17-T: 3). All of these are texts of the Syro-Hittite type concerning debts of silver. This study deals With amīlūtu contracts, mainly on the basis of Emar VI 77, ASJ 10-T A and RA 77-T 5 (=ASJ 13-T 35). As a result of an analysis of these texts in comparison With other debt contracts from Emar and with the personal tidennūtu contracts from Nuzi, the following features of the Emar amīlūtu contract can be pointed out: the debtor himself enters into the house of the creditor as an antichretic pledge=amīlūtu; at the same time, security for the debt/debtor (i.e., a pledge or surety, always including a person who Was a member of the debtor’s family) is set; the debtor repays only the capital, but instead of paying interest, he is obliged to work at the house of the creditor until the debt is paid; the term of the contract is indefinite. Furthermore, RE 39 suggests that the claim on the silver loan can be transferred or inherited within the family of the creditor. The position of the amīlūtu was probably the same as that of a slave. However, since the creditor was always protected from loss due to the debtor’s flight or death by the security who would take his place, the amīlūtu contracts seem to have been more favorable to the creditors than the debt-slave contracts were.
  • 杉江 拓磨
    2011 年 53 巻 2 号 p. 74-93
    発行日: 2011/03/31
    公開日: 2014/04/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    One of the Akkadian literary predictive texts, the so-called “Marduk Prophecy,” describes the travels of the Babylonian supreme god Marduk to the lands of Hatti, Assur, and Elam. It concludes with the prediction that a future king will lead Marduk back from Elam. The hoped-for king can be safely identified with Nebuchadnezzar I (r. 1125-04 B.C.), who marched into Elam and repatriated the stolen statue of Marduk. The “Marduk Prophecy” is therefore presumed to have been composed to glorify this monarch during his reign. However, all the extant manuscripts of the text are from 7th-century B.C. Assyn'a. Taking the case of the copy found in Assur, this article considers under what circumstances the “Marduk Prophecy” was transcribed and read in that city more than 400 years after its composition.
     The copy in question was uncovered in a house of exorcists serving the Assur Temple. 0. Pedersén made an inventory of the tablets discovered at this dwelling. Apart from the “Marduk Prophecy,” the inventory includes no text relevant to Nebuchadnezzar’s Elamite campaign which is likely to have been the primary concern of the author of our text, but there are some texts proclaiming the superiority of the Assyrian chief deity Assur over Marduk (e.g. the “Marduk Ordeal”). This suggests that the owner (5) of the Assur exemplar had far more interest in theological reflection on the relationship between the Assyrian and the Babylonian state gods, which was presumably stimulated by the Assyrian abduction of the Marduk statue under Sennacherib (689 B.C.), than in the triumph of Nebuchadnezzar. On the basis of the above evidence, it would seem that the “Marduk Prophecy” was being read in 7th-century Assur in connection with a question as to how Marduk should be evaluated in relation to the god Assur.
  • 異民族観の検討を中心に
    長田 年弘
    2011 年 53 巻 2 号 p. 94-114
    発行日: 2011/03/31
    公開日: 2014/04/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper discusses the image of Daius III, the Persian king who was the adversary of Alexander the Great, in the Alexander Mosaic of the National Archaeological Museum in Naples. The Persian king displays a peculiar gesture, namely, he is extending his right hand and leaning forward passionately. Previous interpretations of this gesture mostly fall into three groups.
     The first one, which has been supported by many scholars, regards that the king is here moved with strong sympathy for the Persian soldier killed by Alexander and is extending his right hand out of pity. The second one sees the gesture as a command or order given by the king. However, both theories seem difficult to accept because there are almost no comparable examples in Greek art.
     The third interpretation regards that the king is by this gesture begging for his life. He is not taking pity on others, but rather is pleading with the adversary to save his own life. Till now very few have supported this interpretation, but the author feels it is the most probable. There are innumerable similar examples, sufficient to demonstrate that the gesture had belonged to the current visual language since the seven century B.C., and must have been understood as a plea by the con temporary viewer.
     In classical Greek art and literature, Persians were typically depicted as cowardly and feminine. Finally, I would like to point out that the theme of a lord followed by numerous subjects, seen in the mosaic and other examples, was also part of the stereotype of the eastern barbarian king in the classical period.
  • 澤井 真
    2011 年 53 巻 2 号 p. 115-132
    発行日: 2011/03/31
    公開日: 2014/04/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to consider Junayd’s theory concerning the “primordial covenant” (Q7: 172) through an analysis of the concepts of “fanā'” (annihilation) and “baqā'” (subsistence) in his writings. In early Sufism (Islamic Mysticism), Junayd and other ṣūfis referred to this verse in the Qur'ān, because it represents the ideal relationship between Allāh and human beings. Before human beings in their pre-existence made a contract known as the “primordial covenant,” they had been unified with Allāh. According to Junayd, this situation is “eternity without begining” (azal); the term “fanā'” is used to explain that human beings melt into Allāh, and is used to show that this condition continues. In order to achieve this ideal condition, there are three stages of “fanā'” and four stages of “tawḥīd.” On the one hand, the term “fanā'” means to annihilate the self, by removing its attributes and feelings. On the other hand, “tawḥīd” (unity), which only the “elite” can achieve, is regarded as the ultimate level. At this level, the human, who is “like a shadow,” is annihilated by the response made in the primordial contract. When ]unayd discusses this situation, he talks about the human unification with God in this world, and at the same time about the ideal condition in the pre-existence. In Junayd’s theory of Sufism, the primordial covenant is one of the hid den tools for understanding the ontologically ultimate condition of human beings. This means that “fanā'” (annihilation) and “baqā'” are concepts of multiple meanings which enable one to achieve this condition.
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