It is well known that the Anatolian languages have virtually no attestation of simple thematic verbs in *-e/o-, but thematic verbs with a suffix are abundantly attested in Hittite and the other Anatolian languages. Five types of thematic verbs will be discussed in this paper, i.e. Hittite verbs in -ške/a-, Hittite verbs in -ie/a-, Hittite denominative verbs in -āi-/-ā-, Hittite causatives in -e/a-, and Cuneiform Luvian verbs in -i-/-(i)ia-.
　According to the communis opinio, Hittite active thematic verbs in -e/a- reflect the Proto-Indo-European alternation of the thematic vowels *-e- and *-o-, i.e. 1 sg. *-o-mi, 2 sg. *-e-si, 3 sg. *-e-ti, 1 pl. *-o-meni (vel sim.), 2 pl. *-e-teni (vel sim.), 3 pl. *-o-nti. But there does not seem to be any compelling evidence for reconstructing the thematic vowel *-o- in pre-Hittite or further back in Proto-Anatolian. The Hittite thematic vowel -a- in the active paradigm of the above five types of verbs does not go back to PIE *-o-. It is historically derived from *-e- by a phonological rule that changed Proto-Anatolian *e to a in Hittite in post-tonic open syllables before sonorants except in the 3 pl. present -anzi, the a timbre of which is explained by a different phonological rule that changed Proto-Anatolian *en to an before a dental as evidenced by Hittite anda 'in(to)' in contrast to Latin endo 'id.'. Likewise, the thematic vowel a in Cuneiform Luvian verbs in -i-/-(i)ia- is either a phonological outcome of original *e or of mediopassive origin.
　Complete lack of the thematic vowel *-o- in Hittite and Cuneiform Luvian is a linguistic feature that does not receive a straightforward historical explanation by what would be reconstructed from the traditional Indo-European point of view. Whether the persistent *-e- in the active thematic paradigm is a PIE inheritance or an Anatolian innovation is a problem which must be reserved for a separate future study.

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The aim of this paper is to identify the Buddhist texts used in iconography depicting an event in the life story of the Buddha.
　Amongst the corpus of Gandhāran sculpture there are several reliefs that depict the gift of a mango grove to the Buddha and his disciples by Āmrapālī (Ambapālī), a courtesan of Vaiśālī. In this paper I attempt to identify the Buddhist texts relevant to the iconography of these reliefs by focusing on the ewer held by Āmrapālī. After analyzing the contents of Pali, Sanskrit and Chinese texts, I found only two Chinese versions, the Si fen lü (四分律) and the You xing jing (遊行経), belonging to the Dharmaguptaka sect of Hīnayāna Buddhism in Gandhāra, that describe exactly and correctly the hand gesture of Āmrapālī's pouring water over the hands of the Buddha from a ewer.
　What is more, the reason why the ewer was held by Āmrapālī in this story and in reliefs depicting it is clarified by quoting other Pali, Sanskrit and Chinese passages relevant to the use of the ewer. In ancient India a donor confirmed a contract and transfer of ownership by pouring water over the hands of the recipient from a ewer.

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The present paper discusses the classification of Indus-type seals in light of their carving techniques using SEM and 3D （PEAKIT） analyses. Although data for the analyses is still limited, this study leads to an important conclusion that has not been pointed out so far, that Indus-type seals can be classified based on the shape of a cross section of the seal passing through the body of the animal depicted on the surface of the seal, namely whether the edge of the cross section is curved or angular (in some seals it is partly curved and partly angular). The two cross-section types are a result of different manufacturing techniques and carving tools and correspond to the size of the seals.
　Themore, because the different shapes of the cross sections correspond to the difference of design and distribution pattern of the seals, Indus-type seals can be divided into two types. The Type-A seal is characterized by a left-facing animal motif having a curved cross section, a 'Pattern I' arrangement and a Type I boss. This type is distributed predominantly throughout the Indus Valley, excluding the Ghaggar Basin. The Type-B seal is characterized by a right-facing animal motif having an angular cross section and mainly a 'Pattern II' or 'Pattern III' arrangement and a 'Type II' boss. It is concentrated in the Ghaggar Basin. This study concludes that it is likely that both seal types show the regional variations of Indus-type seals.
　The next stages in the study of the seals will be to accumulate SEM and 3D (PEAKIT) data of Indus-type seals and to undertake an experimental archaeological study in order to fully understand and reconstruct the manufacturing techniques and tools.

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The Tayinat Archaeological Project of Toronto University, in 2009, excavated a large clay tablet along with 10 other tablets at Tell Tayinat, Turkey, which was identified as a copy of the 'Succession Oath Documents' issued by the Assyrian king Esarhaddon in 672 BC. These documents were known through the Nimrud version published by D. J. Wiseman in 1958, and reedited by myself in 1987. As J. Lauinger, who published the Tayinat version in 2012, pointed out, the tablets were excavated in situ at the sacred precinct in the center of the mound, and had been issued to the governor of Kunalia. Through this information, Tell Tayinat was definitely identified with the ancient city Kunalia.
　The present author considers §30 (ll. 353-359), now restored by the Tayinat version, to be especially important here. The mood of the verb in line 353 of the conditional clause has proven to be indicative, not subjunctive, as I had expected before. Indicative verbs are generally used in conditional clauses led by "if" (šumma). However, the usage of subjunctive verbs in conditional clauses had not yet been elucidated in any Akkadian grammars, which had regarded the subjunctive as an expression of an oath, and in translation, merely gave instructions to omit the word "if" and to render affirmative subjunctive verbs in the negative, and negative subjunctive verbs in the affirmative.
　However, almost all of the conditional clauses in these documents are in the second person plural, and are in fact, followed by curses as apodoses, mostly placed in the latter part of the documents. Only §57 is an utterance of an oath and consists of a conditional clause (protasis) in the first person plural subjunctive, and a directly following self-curse (apodosis).
　Sometimes, with verbs in the second person plural indicative and subjunctive are combined in the same conditional clause, as in the case of §30. In my view, the indicative is used to explain certain given conditions and the subjunctive affirmative ('if you should do ...') that follows, indicates something that the speaker assumes that 'you' ought not to do ; the negative subjunctive ('if you should not do ...') expresses something that 'you' ought to do.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the rules for writing letters and the extent these rules were carried out at the end of the Timurid era, through considering the contents and composition of the guidebook for writing letters, Makhzan al-Inshā’, composed by Ḥusayn Wāʻiz-i Kāshifī (d. 1504/05) in Herat.
　In Makhzan al-Inshā’, there are two types of letters based on the difference in social rank between addresser and addressee : 1） those addressed to people of higher rank, 2） those addressed to people of comparable rank. Moreover, letters initiating a correspondence are divided into twelve elements. Kāshifī comments on every element, then includes phrases and verses suitable for each element in tabular form.
　We can recognize from investigating the rules concerning the opening of letters that while Kāshifī refers to new trends in writing, he always gives priority to traditional rules over new ones. When we reconstruct the openings of letters, which rulers should send to other rulers, based on the examples in Makhzan al-Inshā’, it is clear that the optative sentence form is used in 1） letters addressed to those of higher rank, and the salutation form is used in 2） letters addressed to those of comparable rank. On the other hand, the 14th-century letter-writing guidebooks had only one or the other type of letter opening.
　Furthermore, both optative and salutatory opening forms can be seen in collections of model letters and in existing letters of the Timurid era. When we look at the relationship between addresser and addressee, and the contents of these letters, we find that when the addresser and the addresee were of comparable rank, the salutation form was generally used. On the other hand, if the addresser wanted to show more respect than usual to an addresse of comparable rank or the letter was to someone of different ranks, the optative form was uesd.
　It can be concluded from this study that Makhzan al-Inshā’ is a work which integrates various and contradictory elements of Persian letter-writing tradition, and that the rules defined in this work were observed in letters written at that time.

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It has been generally accepted that in Ottoman society Muslim girls were not excluded from elementary education in the traditional schools (mekteb). However, there is no study that addresses the issue of to what extent girls' education was widespread before the Tanzimat reforms. Although some studies have mentioned the existence of female teachers for girls, they only gave a general description without references or drew on a limited number of examples, and no further investigation has been conducted.
　This article presents some findings on girls' schools and female teachers in Ottoman society based on two documents, dating from the 1780s and 1811, which provide lists of mektebs located in Istanbul. These documents show that there were a fairly large number of girls' schools: about one-sixth of the schools listed in the first document and about one-third of those in the second document were for girls. Noticeably, most of them were taught by female teachers.
　Many of the girls' schools with female teachers were probably schools of modest size without an independent school building where the students gathered in the teachers' houses for instruction. However, since mixed schools for boys and girls are known to have been common, one can safely assume that the opportunity for elementary education for girls was significantly richer than is generally supposed for a "traditional" Muslim society. The existence of a large number of female teachers suggests that some women could acquire an education sufficient for teaching children. Their appearance in the official documents also shows that their occupation was socially recognized.

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