オリエント
Online ISSN : 1884-1406
Print ISSN : 0030-5219
ISSN-L : 0030-5219
8 巻 , 3-4 号
選択された号の論文の7件中1~7を表示しています
  • 神保 規一
    1965 年 8 巻 3-4 号 p. 1-15,131
    発行日: 1965年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    §1. Outline of the two execration texts of the Middle Kingdom of Egypt, published by Kurt Sethe in 1925 and by Georges Posener in 1940, and of the Brooklyn Papyrus 35. 1446 published by William C. Hayes in 1955.
    §2. (1) On two kinds of folk-names: Nubians, Asiatics and Libyans. (2) On place-names in Nubia. (3) On place-names in Syria-Palestine. (4) On personal names of Asiatic princes and slaves.
    §3. Conclusion: significance of those texts. Necessity of careful identification of names. Expectation for more complete texts and for further comparative study to other texts: Mari, Ugarit, Alalah etc.
  • 屋形 禎亮
    1965 年 8 巻 3-4 号 p. 17-32,132
    発行日: 1965年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Many studies have been done on the Akhenaton's religious reformation, chiefly on its doctrines. It may, however, be more important for us to study its ritual to elucidate historical characters of the reformation. In this paper, I should like to examine the system, kinds and duties of priests at Amarna in their contrast with the traditional, and try to give a solution to the motive for the reformatoin.
  • 井上 一
    1965 年 8 巻 3-4 号 p. 33-48,133
    発行日: 1965年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Theodor Heuß sagt in seinem Artikel «La Monarchie Hellenistique» (Firenze, 1955): “Die Ideologie der hellenistischen Monarchie mußte von ihr nicht ad hoc hervorgebracht werden, sondern stand in Augenblick ihrer Geburt wie eine reifende Frucht zur Verfügung.” (S. 208) “Die Fürstenspiegelethik war nicht auf die Philosophie beschränkt und fand deshalb auch ihren eindrucksvollsten Vertreter in Isokrates.” (S. 211)
    Der Verfasser handelt von Isokrates' «Euagoras» in Bezug auf die Untersuchung seiner Fürstenspiegelethik. Er hat seine Hauptbesprechungen über den πεπραγμενων des kyprischen Dynasten (z. B. seine Herrschaftsform, seine Krieg gegen Persien) mit den gleichzeitigen internationalen Affären im Mittermeerraum vergleicht; danach schließt er als folgend: Isokrates nimmt die Herrschaft des Euagoras gewiß als Idealkönigtum auf: doch seine Behandlung begrenzt sich auf die Beziehung zwischen Athen und dem kyprischen Dynasten, so spricht er schwerlich klär von den charismatischen Zügen und dem Wesen seiner Herrschaft, Vasallkönigtum des persischen Reiches. Trotzdem, glaubt der Verfasser, möchten es sehr interessant sein, daß der griechische Pulizist als das Modell des Idealkönigtums die Herrschaft des halbbarbarischen Dynasten, der seine Lage zwischen den Mächte des Mittelmeerraumes kunstvoll gehalten hat.
  • 14世紀初頭におけるイラン・中国交渉史の1齣
    恵谷 俊之
    1965 年 8 巻 3-4 号 p. 49-55,134
    発行日: 1965年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the political chaos after the fall of the 2nd Khwariazm Empire Hülägü who had been appointed by the great Qa'an Möngke to the governor of Iran, was successful to overthrow the 'Abbasids Caliphate of Baghdad after having conquered the Isma'iliyah of Mazanderan. He marched back to the Iranian Plateau through Hamadan highway and turned north to Azerbaijan. Here he established the Il-Khanate in 1258. Meanwhile in the East the sudden death of Möngke (1259) resulted in the struggle about the succession of the Great Qa'anship between Erik Böke and Qubilai. The latter overwhilmed the former and established the Yüan dynasty in China. Thereafter both Mongol powers, the Yüan dynasty of the Eastern Asia and the Il-khans of the Western Asia, seem to have rapidly adapted themselves to Chinese and Iranian traditions respectively. Qubilai Qa'an, who considered himself as the legitimate successor of Möngke and the Great Qa'an of Chingis Qa'anids Empire, regarded the family of Hülägü as a governor of one of the provinces of his dominions, while to the Il-khans, who enjoyed the domination over their vaste territory in Western Asia and constituted an independent state de facto, such a status seems to have not been a matter of great concern, and they regarded the Yüan dynasty as their brother khanate in the East and a good partner in their trading activities. Both of them, which were standing in the friendly relations, different from Chaghatai and Ügetei Khanates, actively despatched ambassadors each other after the end of Qaidu and Duwa's rebellions in the beginning of the 14th century.
    The present paper treats with Ghazan's embassy to the Yüan court under Timur Qa'an, mainly based on Wassaf's descriptions in his Tajziyat al-Amsar wa Tazjiyat al-A'sar. The author tries to analyse the Ilkhan's diplomatic attitude to the Yüan and points out the trading and commercial factors therein.
  • 佐藤 圭四郎
    1965 年 8 巻 3-4 号 p. 57-73,136
    発行日: 1965年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the râh-mânaj (maritime guidebook) compilated by Ibn Mâjid who was the pilot employed by Vasco da Gama from Malindi to Calicut, there are plainly described the course from Hormuz to Zaitûn by way of the Southern Sea and the names of harbors called at by the vessels of this line. We could attempt to guess some of these ports at that of today, for instance, Shahr-i nau (new capital) or Ayut'ia which was founded in 1350 A. D. as the new capital of that dynasty. It was chiefly from the mohammedans in Malacca, Siam and Java that Portugeses obtained the informations about China and the way thither, when they conquered Malacca in the year 1511 A. D. (from the letter of Affonso de Albuquerque, etc.)
    And it was the tendency of those days that the nâkhodhâ (proprietor of ships) was the capitaneus of maritime enterprise, but the mu'allim (captain) was also permitted to load their own cargoes for exchange in their cabins (maîkh) and to carry on commerce.
  • 林 武
    1965 年 8 巻 3-4 号 p. 75-92,137
    発行日: 1965年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Both Wataniyat and Qawmiyat were contained as elements of Nationalism in the ideology of Pan-Islamism, as was seen in that of the Ikhwan al-Muslimin. Such a kind of cultural nationalism in its origin is not strong enough to compete with the real forces of politics, not only in the context of nation building but also of international relations.
    After the decline of imperialism, however, the contradiction between the Wataniyat and Qawmiyat became prominent as could be seen in the split of the UAR into the component two nations; in the unification the Syrian secular nationalists were confronted with the politcal crisis, both nationally and internationally, which was introduced by the Baghdad Pact.
    In this course of events, the UAR means the prominence of Qawmiyat and its split reveals Wataniyat in both parts. Even so, the historic concept of Islam was newly interpreted under the slogan of “social justice” in Egypt as a pillar of the so-called “Arab socialism” and secularistic modern socialism is prevailing in Syria under the Ba'th regime; both of them are reflecting each nation's socio-historical background.
    The history of the short-lived UAR tells us that the futural Arab unity would be impossible without confirmation of Wataniyat and readjustment of Qawmiyat upon the basis of Wataniyat.
  • 石田 友雄
    1965 年 8 巻 3-4 号 p. 93-129,138
    発行日: 1965年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The approximate date and the letter of the Samaria Ostraca, found by the Harvard Excavations at Samaria in 1910, have been made clear by stratigraphical and epigraphical studies. But their absolute date still remains to be established, together with the comprehension of their contents. Here I shall classify the Ostraca in types, compare and analyse them, examine the matter, and in conclusion place them in the reign of Jehoash (800-785 B. C.), son of Jehoahaz, and regard the absolute dates as 792, 791 and 786 B. C.
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