“Collective memory” has become one of the popular topics in sociological researchers in Japan since the 1990s. However, in Japanese urban sociology, the studies which focus on “collective memory” are still few. In this paper, I will examine why Japanese urban sociologist have not been interested in this topic, and then I will show the perspective for the study of local collective memory in urban society, especially in suburbia and new town. “Economics”, “politics” and “topography” of memory are the key points of this tentative perspective for the study of local collective memory in sociological urban studies. The condition of local memory in suburbia and new town is different either from the local memory in urban center or rural community. I will examine this suburban condition of local collective memory, and then try to propose some hypothesis about the characteristics of local memory in suburbia and new town. In suburbia and new town, there are discontinuities, segregations, isolation and homogenization of local memories. Under these sociological conditions of local collective memory, we can also find the process of the making of new local collective memories among the dwellers.

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In Kozoji New Town, Kasugai City, there is a community medium that is continuing the conveyance of information and the formation of a residential network while transforming the medium in three stages, from a hard copy-based community publication to an information exchange through the electronic medium of a website and then on to the establishment of a town-development NPO corporation and administration of a space for residents' communal exchange. The collective memory of the new town is built by this community medium and has the characteristics of being open to the external world and formed by the spontaneous contribution of the vague and faded memories of individuals. This essay discusses the relationship between the collective memory of a new town and the town development movement.

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The purpose of this paper is to consider how to connect the memories in Tama Newtown that divided by the development. To connect this discontinuity, I carried out two exhibitions as a curator; one was about the process of development of Tama Newtown, and the other was about the history of Ochiai Hakusan Shrine that located in the central area of Tama Newtown. Through these exhibitions, it turned out to be significant to know the process of the development in detail and the experience of the people who faced the development.

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In suburban residental areas symbolized by Tama-Newtown, many issues are madeby inhabitant that renewal plan don't smooth. In the background, documents of initial development process don't exist and early development memories are devided. This paper discusses inter-reference of memories in oralhistory that will be resouuces of smart decision in future development by steakholders, especially inhabitants.

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This paper focuses on a squatter area in Kyoto City to clarify the conditions under which a residents movement can develop. My first purpose is to examine the difficulties of making residents' association in the underclass. In squatter areas, population fluidity is so high that it's difficult to make residents' association, so there are few research results about residents movements in lower class. Second is to approach minority and residents movements at the same time. The residents in the squatter area consist mainly of the Korean ethnic minority. For this reason, previous research has given more weight to ethnicity than to the viewpoints of the residents.
This paper takes up a residents movement in a squatter area called ″40-banchi″ in Higashi-kujo. A marginal area, Higashi-kujo is located in south of Kyoto Station and is a Korean slum. Additionally, the slum is adjacent to a Buraku area. In fact, 40-banchi is lower than a slum or Buraku. Compared with these areas, it has stayed undeveloped and has been neglected by the local administration for a long time. 40-banchi is located in a river area between Takase and Kamo River, a substandard living environment where many shanties are squeezed together and which suffers damage from floods and fires frequently.
The administration regarded 40-banchi as an illegal area. One could assume that making residents' association is difficult in such an area. But a powerful residents movement has risen up since the 1970s. In the 1990s, it made the administration build public housing that maintained characteristics of the community in the squatter area. The secretariat of the residents' association formed an NPO and is in charge of managing the housing. Thereby the practices in 40-banchi can be considered as an advanced reference point for community building of slums and Buraku.

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