At the beginning of 21th century, Japanese Society entered into the depopulated society, although one-third of the prefectures of Japan had decreased the population in 1950s. This regional population difference occurred gradually in over fifty years' social mobility. How can urban sociologists explain this process of social change in Japanese local community? This study is an attempt to construct the history of regional mobility from the point of view of family and generation. Following the investigation of the national census according to the administrative divisions and the municipalities of northeast Japan, the significance of the change of population is showed in the several case studies of rural and urban communities in Aomori prefecture. Looking like as rational way of the development of these communities until 1980s, this changing process clearly revealed a contradiction in 1990s. The model that explains the social change of Japan in postwar period by an alternation of generations indicates a division into center and periphery opposites of Japanese society. The result of this inquiry may suggest that urban sociologists are responsible for building a new urban-rural/center-periphery relationship model and proposing a practicable way of community revitalization.
Urban Sociology has explored the social life of the people in the city. This paper examines the making of Tokyo metropolitan area and the women's activities in the suburbs. Firstly, it shows that migration from the country has made Tokyo metropolitan area since the 1950s and many people who migrated from the 1950s to the 1960s had been born before and after the Second World War. Secondly, it is shown that the populations move from the central Tokyo to the periphery has occurred and the prewar generation and the postwar generation has begun to live in the suburbs. The women's movement and activities has been developed on the suburban communities. Lastly, we argue that the migrations of these particular generations make these particular local communities in the metropolitan area. Through the making of a local community as such, Capitalistic industrial structure has an effect on the social life of the people in the city.
The favorite topics of past research on Asian city often involved “over-urbanization” and poverty in the city. While these topics are still important, the economic development in the past decades substantially changed the urban scene. Urban economic activities are thriving, and urban ways of life have become westernized to a great deal. Suburban development is currently underway, resulting in the development of megalopolis. A recent increase of the immigrant population in Asian cities is diversifying the ethnic portfolio of the city. Interests in the development of new urban cultural identity are growing in the hope of achieving the competitiveness in the globalizing world.
From the 1980s, globalization has been quickly progressing in Asian urban retail markets. Presently, we can find many foreign retailers at Asian mega cities from various countries including Japan. The first retail internationalization in Asia after World War II was when Daimaru department stores entered Hong Kong in 1960. Since then, many Japanese retailers (mainly department stores and supermarkets) have moved into the Asian markets-peaking in the mid-1990s. However, there were many obstacles with respect to the entries, and many Japanese retailers have already withdrawn. Although many problems in management were recognized, the most serious factor was the mosaic characteristics of the Asian markets. The mobility of Asian consumer is very narrow in comparison with that of the Japanese consumers, and the Japanese retailers wielded unexpectedly strong market influence around each store. Moreover, the consumer-groups living in each mosaic were people having very different incomes and lifestyles. As a result, the concepts of stores and the merchandising strategy are often mismatched with the market. On the basis of such experiences of Japanese retailers in Asian markets, this article argues the context of markets by giving a specific meaning and value to the goods or store-formats.
In this article I deal with Singapore as a global city-state under a cultural globalization. Different with US case or EU case, Singapore has traced in recent half century and has reached at the elaborated “cultural-state” in a unique way. I try to explain the Singapore's experience paying attention with cultural policies, a global creative city and everyday-cosmopolitanism. Particularly the new ideal or principle has been withdrawn by Singapore government's cultural policies. There are some complicated conditions and situations in this process and I would advocate some new key words like overlapping identity and everyday-cosmopolitanism among their cases.
In this paper, I analyzed about the Japanese residents consciousness harbored toward foreign residents using the data of local resident investigations conducted in Oizumi-town, Gunma Prefecture and Toyohashi-city, Aichi Prefecture. Firstly, it became clear that “contact hypothesis” was supported in Oizumi-town. When they have contact with foreign citizens, their is a tendency to weak exclusive consciousness toward foreign people. On the other hand, “contact hypothesis” was not supported in Toyohashi-city. Secondly, I analyzed about the contribution factor of “exclusive consciousness” using regression model. Then, it became clear that the “blue-collar worker” made an impact on the “exclusive consciousness” to foreign residents in both areas. Furthermore, the regression slope of the “ratio of foreign residents” in the “blue-collar” category is sharper than other categories. This would suggest that people who feel “threat” of foreign residents might have a tendency to express exclusive consciousness toward foreign residents. Finaly, I analyezed about the model that social positions and the “ratio of foreign residents” had impacts on “exclusive consciousness” through “perceived threat”. Then, I found that “bluecollar worker” had an indirect impact on “exclusive consciousness” through “perceived threat” in Toyohashi-city.
This paper examines Japanese resident's attitudes toward “new-comer” foreign residents in highly concentrated cities of Nikkei Brazilians. We conducted surveys during 2005 - 2007 in 3 samples cities, Nishio in Aichi, Hamamatsu in Shizuoka and Iida, Nagano prefecture. These cities are located in the Tokai area where has a large population of foreign residents and these cities are member cities of the Council of Highly Concentrated Cities of Foreign Residents. Using the data we analyze the contribution factors of “acceptance/exclusive attitudes” toward foreign residents which are common among the three cities. Firstly we find that the variables of individual attributes that are gender, age and educational background are effective. In other words, more-educated young males are more generous toward foreign residents. But interestingly our data does not support the “group threat theory” which is people of the “blue collar” workers have more exclusive consciousness. Secondary, our data supports the “contact theory” and the “network theory”. People who have contacts with foreign residents have more positive attitudes toward Brazilians and Peruvians in neighborhood. Having a contact in daily life, people are able to establish “visible relationship” and are trying to accept Brazilians and Peruvians as their community members. Thirdly, people who have stronger “Ie” consciousness have more negative attitudes toward foreign residents. Also it is interesting to point that people who have stronger attachment to their neighborhood and the stronger intention and to contribute to their neighborhood are more exclusive toward foreign residents.
This paper evaluates the Korean wave experience, regarding Zainichi Koreans, as an opportunity for contact with the “mother country” culture, and investigates the effect of this contact. In this paper, I will examine the degree of contact of Zainichi Koreans with the current Korean wave. Looking at the data, which I gathered, I will also attempt to analyze the relation between the Korean wave experience and three major national identity levels: the individual, the group, and the social. These approaches can bring light to new aspects of current Zainichi Koreans' identity.
In this paper, I examine how different ethnic peoples can be as one group. For that purpose, I take a case of the Chinese Dragon and Lion Dance Team in Overseas Chinese Association in Ryukyu Islands and show what social classes the team members belong to through researching the Life Histories of the team members. There are big economical gaps among people living in Okinawa, and Taiwanese have also been divided economically as they lived from generation to generation. It makes Taiwanese difficult to get along with each other in one team even though they belong to the same ethnic group. On the contrary, the members of the new Chinese Dragon and Lion Dance team belongs nearly same social class and also have same attitude to life. This is the bases of their multi-ethnic partnership. The research results show it is possible we have common sense across different ethnic background and that the common sense is different from each member's ethnic back ground. It comes from the new social context made in among the team members. The most important finding in this case is that the team members can make their own social relations by themselves through being the team member even though they live in highly specialized and individualized urban society.
What is the sacred place? What constitutes the sacred place as a place or space? This essay aims to approach these questions by examining the nature of sacred place as a place focusing on its placeness. Contemporary literature on sacred place tends to deal with sacred places, as if they have no connectivity to everyday life surrounding it, paying attention to its religious aspect. With all due respect for the theoretical value of this approach, however, isn't it rather the case that sacred place is something that is constructed through and by the relationship between agents who have a variety of interests including religious one in the sacred place? Isn't it legitimate to ask whether the very fact that a given place remains to be sacred place needs some social conditions that are not necessarily religious in nature? Based on the field study at BodhaGaya India, I would argue that the construction of sacred place as a place cannot be explained away just by its religious element and a sociologically rich and comprehensive understanding of a given sacred place requires an inquiry into its past record----especially the record that is reserved as memories and narratives of the people that have historical relationship with the sacred place----which tend to be ignored when too much stress is given to generally accepted self evident official narrative on the sacred place.
Tama New Town was planned in 1965 and developed according to the New Residential Town Development Law, which forbids farming in the town area. Consequently, most farmers in Tama Hill bandoned farming . However, the dairy farmers in the No. 19 area (Hachioji, Tokyo) had continued to oppose the development. A number of factors favored the dairy farmers, who were dedicated to defending the use of their land. In particular, the agricultural production capacity and pride in the historic origin contributed to the success of the movement. Furthermore, in 1973, land acquisition in the No. 19 area was stopped due to the oil crisis. The dairy farmers' movement was supported by the Japanese Communist Party, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government labor union, various experts, and New Town residents' environmental movements. In 1983, the Ministry of Construction and the Tokyo Metropolitan Government exempted the dairy farmers' land from the planning area, guaranteeing that it would not be incorporated into the urbanization control area. In addition, builders agreed to an investigation by a team of experts who supported the dairy farmers' movement; the team proposed the rural-urban housing. However, the 1983 decision to claim the dairy farmers' land was only the beginning of Nakasone's administrative reform. The outbreak of the oil crisis averted the compulsory purchase of the dairy farmers' land, and the Japanese government and the Tokyo Metropolitan Government faced a fiscal crisis and had to adopt policies based on economic rationalism. As a result, in 1986, the Housing and Urban Development Corporation carried out compulsory purchases of land that were being used for sericulture. A subsequent series of policies led to the end of the dairy farmers' protest movement, and the Housing and Urban Development Corporation purchased the land of conservative landowners in the No. 19 area. The purchases demolished the solidarity among the dairy farmers, sericulturists, regional planners, and the Tokyo Metropolitan Government labor union, who had intended to realize th rural-urban housing.
This paper aims to examine the changing nature of the Japanese and Tokyo's political system, which have driven spatial reformation and resulted in socio-spatial polarization in Tokyo after the bubble economy burst. By analyzing the policy changes, this paper reveals three points. Firstly, the destruction of inter-area redistribution system and the new market-oriented, urban development policy demonstrate the neoliberalizaion of Japanese “developmental state.” The government has reduced “inefficient” public investment in rural area and concentrated investment in Tokyo to promote large-scale development project by private firms. Though the Japanese government has still guided development, the political system became different from a “developmental state.” Secondly, spatial reformation of Tokyo has been enabled through neoliberal reformation in other realm by Tokyo Metropolitan Government (TMG). TMG has placed top priority on spatial reformation to become a “Global City” at the expense of welfare, medical services and education. Finally, fiscal crisis and fear of losing international status have urged the Japanese government and TMG for neoliberal reform. Tokyo's deteriorating competitiveness will continue to provide a further motive for exploring neoliberal strategies.
Since the late 1980s, many urban restructuring researchers interested in Tokyo have inquired impacts of economic globalization approached by world/global city hypothesis. This paper reviews these researches and clarifies research agenda for transformation of urban restructuring in Tokyo under the impact of neoliberal state reform in the late 1990s and 2000s. Some researchers, especially with Regulationist approach, have pointed out Tokyo's particularity of urban economic and social structure derived from the postwar Japanese “Toyotaist” regulatory regime and the Japanese “developmental” state, compared with New York and London under the North Atlantic Fordist regime and Keynesian welfare state. However, Japanese postwar regime and state have started changing since the crash of bubble economy and the economic turmoil in the “lost decade”. Company welfarism in Toyotaist regime has collapsed and the state apparatus in developmental state has experienced drastic restructuring in the late 1990s and 2000s. For understanding the urban restructuring of Tokyo under the impact of neoliberalism, we must capture the regime shift, state restructuring, and these effects to the economic and social structure of the city. Therefore, we focus attention on theoretical and methodological framework of “neoliberalizing city” researches by European and American urban scholars. This paper makes a point of the potential utility of this framework and discusses some points for the Japanese “neolibelarizing” urban restructuring.
Up to now, the research on urbanism has found only modest effects of urbanism on social psychological characteristics of residents. However, there is a possibility that previous researches underestimated urban effects because previous analyses have two problems. The first is only few attempts have so far been made at effects other than population size. The second is little attention has been paid to variances between places of residence and not individuals. So this research re-examined urban effects on unconventionality using multilevel model with individual-level data, which have been linked with aggregate-level data. By analysis of multilevel model, I obtained three findings. (1) There are significant variances of unconventionality between places of residence, independent of the individual attributes of residents such as socioeconomic status. (2) Consistent with Fischer's view, population size and residential mobility have significant positive effects on unconventionality. (3) Urban effects on personality may be stronger than previously thought. These results warrant further attention to urban effects on personality.
In an increasingly aging society, it has become more important to examine factors that enhance quality of lives for senior residents, especially those who live in suburbs, where neighborliness tends to be weak. The researcher observed a running event called 5K Race in an American metropolitan suburb as the case study. This neighborhood event had huge involvement of people from a wide range of generations. The senior volunteers in the event were focused on this paper. The researcher assumed that those inclusive events were essential to senior residents’ quality of lives because they could facilitate positive interaction and sympathy among residents and they could also generate proper roles for participants, all of which could strengthen a sense of community. Through interviews and questionnaires to the organizer, volunteers, runners, and other residents, the researcher picked out several factors that affected the involvement of a wide range of generations in the event. Then the significance of the event for the volunteers was examined using the theory of Sense of Community by McMillan & Chavis. The findings were that the senior volunteers of 5K Race got involved in the event as helpful people in the neighborhood and enhanced their quality of lives in the process of shouldering various responsibilities of the tasks because it offered them dynamic interaction and plentiful positive roles. The researcher concluded that it’s significant for suburban neighborhoods to create such events to give senior residents these inclusive opportunities.