Kanazawa is an old and historical city that faces the Sea of Japan. Since Kanazawa has been immune from the horrors of wars and conflicts for 430 years, its historic and cultural resources are still preserved very well. People in Kanazawa believe their responsibilities to maintain and cultivate the characteristics in the history, tradition, and culture of Kanazawa. In addition to such circumstances, Kanazawa has been developed more attractively as a “creative city” over the last two decades. This paper illustrates “Kanazawa World City Concept”: a key strategy for creating a new identity such as “glocalization” and “creativity” of Kanazawa. The vision of this concept has made Kanazawa more attractive and dignified, which is evidenced by the fact that Kanazawa is cited in the League of Historical Cities and the Creative Cities Network. For achieving such a national and international evaluation, however, we had to challenge the formidable tasks of overcoming such harsh issues as “financial bottleneck”, “legal limitation”, and “multi-stakeholdersʼ consensus building”. So in this paper, we also describe this challenge, while introducing the three facts of embodiment of “Kanazawa World City Concept”.
Hiroshima which was destroyed by only one Atomic Bomb in 6th August 1945 and after the Second World War was reconstructed and developed as a peace city or peace memorial city. In the early reconstruction planning period, many planning ideas of peace city or peace facilities were proposed and the characteristics of city or keyword of Hiroshima was peace. On the other hand, planning idea of peace memorial city was proposed in a critical phase, that is to say, in a financial crisis, therefore Hiroshima Peace Memorial City Construction Law was enacted under thus condition. Then it is sure that the planning idea of peace memorial city was means itself in a sense under reconstruction, but now Hiroshima has a clear important role rather than at one time.
This essay has two aims. First, I intend to organize the key points relating to “the creative city”, which have been presented in various ways, in order to provide the insight as to how the concept should be understood. I also intend to focus on and discuss the governance of, and process in, a creative city and further to examine the movement to a creative city in Kumamoto city as an example. A creative city is, to put it simply, explained as a vision of a city or urban policy, which aims to stimulate and enhance creativity in a city and uses it for the purpose of solving various urban problems, invigorating local communities and pursuing economic growth. However, the concept of a creative city is not strictly defined and therefore as a matter of practice allows for various interpretations. This essay considers the meaning of “the creative city” within the context of cities in today's advanced countries and regards the concept as a kind of “governance theory” of a city. Because the concept has an idealistic assertion about governance, that is, governance by civic creativity, we find different types of governance in practice. We therefore have to examine how it should be viewed from the more practical standpoint which accommodates the unique situation an individual city is in. Second, this essay considers the requirement needed for the governance of the creative city and outlines five important factors. Among these is the concept of network organization as a relevant governance form. The essay also pays particular attention to dynamic aspects of a creative city and regards it as a process of a city's self transformation, which involves the theory of self-organization. Some difficulties might be found in the application of the theory, yet it can help explain how the creative activities of individual actors affect the community as a whole. If an individual actor affects other actors by its creative activity and then a “sympathetic vibration” is born among actors, it would lead to changing local community. The essay goes on to examine the movement in Kumamoto city in order to witness the possibilities and potential problems by focusing on the process of community development pursued by the creative activities of private actors.
This paper examines the artist-led gentrification of SoHo in New York City between the 1960s and 1980s. As creative city theories focus on the effect of the creative class on urban environments, municipal government policymakers have been creating cultural policies that birth urban regeneration projects utilizing the talents of creative people, such as artists. In spite of this situation, there is not necessarily much scholarship on the relationship between artists and urban spaces. Thus, this article deals with SoHoʼs artist-led gentrification as a typical case study, and then explores issues such as why agglomeration of artists leads to urban spatial transformation.
According to a previous study on Kariya (Akimoto 1971), the city was dominated by “top leaders” of auto firms, workers and labor unions would not commit to social support activities in local communities because their primary interest at the time was focused on work conditions or national politics. In later years, with stable employment and living conditions, auto workers gradually formed intimate ties in their neighborhoods and have come to enjoy community life and have become active participants in various residential activities. Based on data collected from a questionnaire survey conducted in 2012, this paper examines and illustrates the contours of the local structures in three selected communities and the social consciousness and behavior of male residents in Kariya. Furthermore, a multivariate causal analysis shows that it is the accumulation of social networks embedded in the local communities that has caused the above changes.
NPO/volunteer activities are currently receiving attention as a counterbalance to the excesses of market principles. Faced with many problems, will it be possible for local people to implement and sustain voluntary participation in society, without relying on governmental assistance? Numerous ideas have already been actively debated from an academic or governmental perspective. The typical example of this debate is the so-called “2007 Problem”; how can huge numbers of retired baby boomers become involved in NPO/volunteer activities? The debate concerning how to construct a mature civil society is ongoing, and, although both academics and governments are increasing their expectations of NPOs/volunteer organizations, several basic problems remain unresolved at the stage of practical implementation. This research focuses on social capital (especially bridging social capital) and analyzes the potential for cooperation between NPO/volunteer organizations. The data used was a survey conducted amongst NPO/volunteer organization representatives in Nishitokyo City in 2012. Boolean analysis of the survey indicated that, although it is impossible to make organizations cooperate by a single generation, the 40-50 age group was identified as enabling cooperation with other organizations. Therefore, getting baby boomers nearing retirement to join NPO/volunteer organization would have only a limited function in improving cooperation between organizations. Gender analysis of representatives by age groups showed that the ratio of women was higher in the 40-50 age group than in the over-60 age group, indicating the potential for involvement of housewives in their 40s and 50s. Research into status achievement indicates that if women with abundant academic and social resources are forced to choose involvement in NPO/volunteer organizations in the non-economic sphere as a means to self-fulfillment, then there is a need to discuss the structural problems of revitalizing local communities. A way of encouraging people with other lifestyles to become involved is also required.
Adjustment is an important issue to solve conflict or antipathy about disaster revitalization in sociology. The purpose of this paper is to describe the process in which residents of a disaster damaged area adjust differences of opinion around revitalization by using the case study of Minamigamou and Shihama, Miyagino, Sendai. After the Great East Japan Earthquake, Sendai city office designed disaster danger area including Minamigamou and Shinhama areas that it planned mass relocation project.The anti-relocation movement against this plan is a turning point that residents of these two areas deal with revitalization positively. After that plan revised, residents of Minamigamou and Shinhama established new institution for revitalization as the name of “Minamigamou Hukkoubu” and “Shinhama Hukkou no Kai”. Two institutions have been worked to solve 3issues, “housing reconstruction and relocation” “dropout of younger members” “construction plan of evacuation tower and road” by adjustment differences of opinion. As a result, “Minamigamou Hukkoubu” succeeded to keep their community through collision but “Shinhama Hukkou no Kai” failed to keep their community. The academic significance of this research is as follows. An important thing of adjustment which is practiced by community organizations under disaster revitalization process is that how institutions keep the backing of their residents' opinion. “Minamigamou Hukkoubu” has practiced “being receptive to various opinion”“guaranteeing multiple routes to participate”“guaranteeing multiple opportunities to participate” to retain the backing of it. Then, “Minamigamou Hukkoubu” has maintained its position which is the representative organization of residents through some fails on negotiation with Sendai city office. On the other hand, “Shinhama Hukkou no Kai” has not practiced these three things sufficiently. So, it failed to keep the backing of their residents' opinion.
Japan's declining population is severely impacting rural areas and cities and causing shortages of care workers. In recent years, Indonesian and Filipino candidates are coming to Japan under the economic partnership agreement (EPA) program to take the country's certified care worker license (kaigo-fukushishi) exam after completing three years of on-the-job training at care facilities nationwide. However, Japan's initial attempt to import foreign care workers was far from completely successful; even though the government subsidized the costs for learning Japanese and taking the national exams, many candidates returned to their home countries. For the first batch of Filipino kaigo-fukushishi candidates who came in 2009, only around 30％ passed the exam in January 2013. Based on follow-up research of 49 from the first batch of Filipino candidates, this paper answers the following two questions: What attributes of candidates ease settlement at rural care facilities? What attributes and working experiences are necessary for successful examinees? Our findings suggest that (1) Internet access at care facilities is crucial to ease the settling of candidates, and (2) candidates who are already qualified nurses in their home country but decided to become care workers in Japan have an advantage in taking the national exam because of their basic medical knowledge. On the other hand, since the international labor market demand for Filipino nurses is high, the possibility always exists that they might move to another country.