Studies on Japanese migration to Australia seem to deal exclusively with either the
pre- or post-World War II periods, and have mainly covered first generation migrants. The
intergenerational effects and consequences of migration have not been discussed. This paper
explores the ethnic identity of Japanese migrants’ descendants in Broome, into which Japanese
laborers migrated from the 1880s through the 1960s. Despite the migration restrictions of
the White Australia Policy, the internment of Japanese during the World War II, and their
subsequent deportation, Japanese migrants still found opportunities to have relationships
with local Indigenous people, resulting in offspring and other descendants. Most of these
Japanese descendants in Broome are seemingly “integrated” in many ways, e.g. they do not
speak Japanese, do not cluster in enclaves, and do not congregate regularly. They do not even participate in special Japanese “community” events, which are mainly run by 2 families. However, many of them — even those who have never met their Japanese predecessors — claim Japanese heritage. Close examination of how they received Japanese ethnic identity reveals their identification as Japanese descendants to be supported in various ways. While those whose Japanese forebears stayed in Broome would have these ancestors as a source of Japanese identity, those with little or no exposure to their Japanese ancestors often have their Japanese identification supported by non-Japanese family members, as well as the larger Broome community, which draws on its rich history of interaction between Japanese and local Indigenous Australians. Though they display minimal Japanese cultural indicators, their identities are substantial enough to drive some of them to pursue their genealogies in Japan.
In the contemporary era, mass migration from the Pacific Islands to oversea places such as
New Zealand, Australia, and the U.S. has dramatically changed daily village life. Family plays
an important role in migration, yet few studies reveal how migration has influenced family in
the Pacific. This paper aims to consider the influences of family and related factors in migration
processes and incentives pertaining to Samoan women in the 2000s. For this purpose, the
paper focuses on the life stories of three Samoan women who migrated in the 2000s from the
Independent State of Samoa to Auckland, New Zealand.
Samoan migration research has typically understood incentives of Samoan migration and
contexts for sending remittances as rooted in the Samoan socio-cultural system and driven by
collectivity, because Samoan people seek economic opportunity out of an obligation to their
‘āiga. All three women who were born in Samoa and came to New Zealand, however, differed
in terms of migration processes. As each grows older, the incentives for migration become more complex, and an obligation to their ‘āiga does not necessarily serve as a strong factor behind migration. However, three different possibilities exist for how family has affected the process of migration in these three cases. First, the relationships between migrants and their natal or spouse’s family before migration have no small effect on out-migration. Second, favor for the nuclear family as a priority, especially for married Samoan women, might prompt their migration. Third, parents and extended families in Samoa continue to carry a strong influence on the migration of their underage children and family members. Although the processes of Samoan migration to Auckland were not simple, migration was still strongly enmeshed with family in many senses.
The characteristic of the Kanak decolonization movement in New Caledonia lies in the revendication de l’identité kanak (demand for Kanak identity) as the recovery of rights of indigenous people. As identity is process, my main purpose is to see diachronically how Kanaks claimed their indigenous identity and struggled to recover their rights via their decolonization movement, and how they have achieved rights as a result of the struggle. As identity is multiple, the problematic of this diachronic aim is that it has to take a synchronic approach as methodology: in the relation between identity and discourse, Kanak identity is inseparably linked to the dimensions of nation, culture, and community as an articulated ensemble. Therefore, after theoretically introducing the synchronic approach, in the diachronic aim the paper represents the revendication de l’identité kanak from a macro-viewpoint, while demonstrating how the above 3 are interwoven as the ensemble through discourses of the people.