Social structure of Japanese village in post-war era has been changing with the economic growth of Japanese Capitalism, particularly since 1955. So we must start from the viewpoint that social structure of village is always changing with the progress of total society. Pre-war orthodox Japanese rural sociology explained Japanese village statically as “Shizenson” (Natural village), but post-war studies on Japanese village seem to have leaned towards the economic history of village, and to lack the sociological viewpoints.
Therefore, we persist that the relation of total society to a village must be understood from following point of view ; In post-war era, the fundamental element of Japanese rural community is “Noji Jikko-Kumiai” (agricultural performance association). This group is a substructure of agricultural co-operation and it is usually called “Buraku” «village» and this is reasonable.
To explain that we must distinguish the external element from the internal element of village structure. The external element regulates the framework of social relation of village from outside, social relations of the peasants are not only face-to-face human relations, but they include material relations and informational relations.
These material and informational relations are combined these face-to-face groups with total society through “tuberous organizations” (eg. agricultural co-operation, village office, store, farmer's association etc.) and these tuberous organization are too changing with progress of Japanese Capitalism. Today, monopoly capital which gripps a heart of total society regulates externaly production base of peasants through material relations (because of the economic law of capitalism). Thus production base of many peasants declines below border-line of reproduction, consequently, they want the government subsidies or finance of argicultural co-operation. On this occasion, “Agricultural perfomance association” functions as “a safety valve” for these financier. Like this, the framework of village as a small group is formed externaly by the material relation between the peasants and total society.
The internal system of village is defined by the ways of perticular response of peasants to these external regulations. When we study this internal system, we must use formal-informal analysis. In addition, we can't agree to such analysis as formal=Gesellschaft, informal=Gemeinshaft. Then we find the informal relations have instrumental function, for in any organization we can find a shadow leader except a formal leader, and when a formal leader is impotent to solve the problem, informal group selects an informal leader among them. In fact some formal leader who established his status in the past can't adapt themselves to the changes of total society. On this oceasion new leaders who have an adaptability appear in informal groups. And these new leaders receive their leadership form the domination of the information given by the total society.
When we explain the changing process of village structure, we are sure, we must use above-mentioned two-sided approach-- the external framwork of village and the internal system of village corresponding to that.

抄録全体を表示

This is one of the four articles criticizing the theories in which the origin of the sociological theory of the family is dated from 1861.
In this article tne writer takes up Justus Moser and explains how he rejected the Katastrophentheorie which was most prevailing in those days and how he attempted to reproduce the old Germanic days on the basis of the realities he witnessed in Westphalia, especially in Osnabrück, where the Roman influence was comparatively less evident.
The writer also refers to Möser's contributions concerning the studies of the family, including the Einzelhoftheorie, as well as to his view on inheritance, which, in spite of the criticism by Brentano, L., still may well be re-appreciated in some respects.

抄録全体を表示

I attempt in the present paper an analytical approach to the problem of social control, focussing on the structural aspect of the society. The social control, being a crucial factor in the integration of a society, is no doubt one of essential prerequisites for its very existence. It is by no means without reason, therefore, that much disputes have been arisen in this field of sociological theory. However, although many of studies which have been developed so far in this sphere, lay great emphasis on the forms of social control : its agencies, means and kinds, there seems a tendency to neglect its basic conceptual scheme upon which they should be appropriately analysed.
Since the reality of a society appears as a dynamic unity of both actual social actions and uniformities governing them : the function and the structure of the society, the social control as an operation for its “conservation” and the “development”, is necessarily a phenomenen closely linked with these two aspects, i.e. structural and functional. But in spite of this, it must be recognized that the social control is so particularly connected with its structural aspect that, were it not perceived from the structural point of view, it would not been explained adequately. The reason for this is that the social structure, conceived as a set of “invariables” of social realities, provides the ultimate foundation for their integration and their unity.
Moreover, two main aspects must be discerned of the social structure, though they merge into each other : one related, directly with the operation of the social control, and another related with the basis of social order other than social control. Therefore, it must be understood that the social control is connected not with the whole but only with certain parts of the social structure. Then, from the structural point of view, it is exceedingly important to throw further light on the dynamic problem of which aspect of the social structure will be decidedly related to the phenomenon of social control. The present paper intends to answer to a certain degree this fundamental problem.

抄録全体を表示

Here, We will examine to the structure of Habatsu (the hierarchical system of a clique) in the trade unionism of the coal mine. Generally, not always, there are Habatsu in a formal organization in Japan, it may be very obstinct to the organizational behavior. Habatsu is a kind of the informal organization in the closed character, and in agreement with its members need for advantage in the formal organization. The nature of Habatsu, its personal relations of the member, is that the traditional, personal pattern of the hierarchical system in Japan.
This is the case study of Habatsu in the coal mine. The case of the unionism had number of 9204 workers in 1959, and there were four Habatsu (name of the Mindo, Kakudo, Toitsudoshikai, Musubikai). Those Habatsu opposite to take for the leadership in the formal organization of this unionism. Why there are Habatsu in this unionism. It is the next reason.
(a) many workers need for advantage in the formal unionism.
(b) ideological defference in the other Habatsu members.
(c) traditional pattern in the personal relations of the hierarchical system in the Habatsu members.
(d) informal union-management relations.
(e) political relations in the community.
Summing of ; The personal motivation needs for advantage in this unionism, and through the medium of ideology is formed interpersonal relations of the clique. That relations make to the hierarchical system for the sake of difference of personal ability. Thas Habatsu is formed in the formal organization, and its structure become powerful by the informal union-management relations and other personnel relations.
Generally, the personal relations of hierarchical system in Habatsu is so called as the suruival of feudalism in Japan, but I think that it is the basic social institution of the personal relations, and is the element of pattern of culture, too. Habatsu is important not because of its form of the functions but as pattern of interpersonal relations.

抄録全体を表示

It is one of the present problems to establish teachers' groups, namely to reorganize them. With eyes focused on a school where educational practice is actually confronted with educational conditions, the reorganization has to be discussed with considerations to teacher's work in which only a single style of thought of the unified teacher's group may maintain democratic education and improve its efficiency.
The solution, however, is not so easy. Since an actual group consists of teachers who show varied activities, interests and attitudes created by manifold motivations, unification and organization based on a variety of needs turns to be a more important problem than framing a special image of teacher. Viewing social activities through the motivation theory, we must take into consideration modes of social existence, personality and ideology which act as a filter giving various reflections to motivation. From these three points of view, teachers' group, especially its organization is to be studied. In this paper I would like to give a consideration on the general characteristics of teachers' class character (on the one hand a character as laborer, another as office worker on the other hand), their profession and small groups, and seek for some basis for their organization. And here, taking a serious view of the techers' professional roll which has close relations with labor unions and communities in its historical situations, I would like to refer to teachers' ideology, prsonality, especially their role conflict and trace what prevents their group-organization. And finally through Mr. Shiobara's organization theory I would like to emphasize that organization is dynamic and dialectic.

抄録全体を表示