It cannot be neglected that the total population of Muslims in Russia has amounted to 18 millions before the Russian Revelution. Among others, the nationalism and movement (‘Jadid’ movement) directed by Muslim intelligentsia in Volga-Tartar region who had received Russian education, shows itself as Muslim cultural renaissance. They opposed to Zarist policy of conversion and assimilation, and insisted on their autonomy within the framework of socialism in the midst of the Revolution. Bolsheviks, especially Stalin who had been in charge of national problems, denied Muslim nationalism completely and integrated them into USSR by strict means.
But Muslim communists, as is the case with Sultangaliev, rightly, evaluated national potentials of Russian Muslims indicated in ‘Jadid’ movement paid attention to the influence of the Russian Revolution to the East, and criticized the Russian Revolution itself which was based on Western ideas. Although they were purged and vanished, Muslim communists, represented by Sultangaliev, deserve to be reappraised now.

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This study investigates the socio-economic aspects of Soviet nationalities policies in practice on the basis of data derived from the preliminary results of the census in 1979 and those published officially in the Soviet Union.
In the first part of this monograph the author examines the disparity in the population growth, the shift in the national composition of Union Republics and the migration pattern of fifteen major nationalities. It is noteworthy that the influence of Russians is decreasing in Central Asia but it is increasing among the Republics along Baltic Sea, Ukraine and Belorussia as a result of influx of Russians and outflow of two other Slavic peoples from their own Republics.
The second section analyzes phenomena of linguistic assimilation among non-Russian peoples and the use of Russian as a second language. The author points out the influence exerted by resettlement of non-Russian peoples on their linguistic preferences and the effects of national statehood on their linguistic survival. Bilingualism became more popular in the latest intercensal period, but one could also notice antipacy of some nationalities to the use of Russian by refusing to admit to a knowledge of the language.
The third section delves into the socio-economic structures of Soviet nationalities and the disparity in the economic growth of Union Republics. The functional positions occupied by each nationality are gradually standardized, but the differentials in incomes and social status are recognized stronger even now.
In the fourth section the author discusses the problem of accessibility to political power among Soviet nationalities and examines recent trend of Soviet nationalities policies reflected in the assertions of Soviet leadership. The dominance of Russians continues to be maintained particularly on the upper level of Party hierarchy. And a tendency toward more intensive assimilation is being intesified in authoritative speeches of top leaders but some deviations are also recognized among local leaders.
In conclusion the author points out the serious character of nationalities problems in the Soviet Union, not only in view of disintegration of Soviet nationalities but also their latent implications for future democratization of Soviet society.

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the problems of separation and integration of the Balkan nationalities, as an approach to the theme of “socialism and nationalism”. As is well known, Marx and Engels paid very little attention to the national questions, whereas Lenin supported the national freedom and independence. But he was for the democratic and internationalist integration of nations and nationalities, not for the separation and “balcanization” of them. Such integration was possible, he asserted, only if the right of separation of the oppressed nationalities was admitted.
The Communist International changed, after Lenin became ill and inactive, its tactics on the national questions and adopted at its Fifth Congress in 1924 a clearly separatist policy. It demanded the political separation of the oppressed nationalisties from Rumania, Yugoslavia and Greece, and the independence of Macedonia, Thrace, Bessarabia, Bucovina, Croatia, Slovenia, Transylvania and Dobrudja. Such a policy caused a fatal damage to the communist movements in the Balkans.
After the middle of the 1930's the separatist policy was abandoned, and the cooperation and integration of nationalities was sought for. In the partisan war during the Second World War, the quest for national equality and coordination was further intensified. Yugoslav and Bulgarian communist leaders searched, during and after the war, the way for the establishment of the Balkan Federation, but the attempt failed as it was opposed by the Soviet Union.
After the post-war dormant period of volcano, nationalist tendencies became by and by active and salient from the 1960's. Two diametrical cases are analyzed here. On the one hand, Yugoslav political and economic system of “self-management” stimulated the separatist trend in the constituent nationalities, especially in the Croatians. On the other, the Rumanian nationalism, which the leaders cultivated for the promotion of industrialization, caused the “romanization” of national minorities, notably the Hungarians.
Balkan nationalities have suffered for centuries national antagonism and confrontation among themselves. They came to feel keenly the necessity of “democratic and internationalist integration” based on full equality and mutual respect. The possibility and conditions of Balkan cooperation should be studied more, as one of the most typical and difficult problems of nationalism.

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National integration of Socialist China, on those particular fifty five minority nationalities and their lands, has traced the undermentioned process.
In the first half of the 1950s, Socialist China pursued territorial integration, in other words, “horizontal integration”. In the end of the 1950s, however, she intended to strengthen the national integration implementing the policy that is a political and ideological integration against the minorities, called “vertical integration”. But, during the 1960s and thereafter, China must have faced national crises which jeopardized her safety, inside or from outside. In this situation, there was no way for China but to pursue simultaneously two problems such as ideological or political integration and national security on the problem of nationalities.
On and after 1978, under the general line of Chinese authority, so called “four modernizations”, China has stepped into the new stage named economic integration.
In the process, four issues can be pointed out. First, the process doesn't spell a result produced by its developmental changes, but that it was made subordinately of changes of idological lines on Chinese politics, and of frequent replacement of policy decision makers. Secondly, the antagonism among Chinese leaders, that of a line of gradualism and a line of radicalism on the problem of nationalities, isn't necessarily caused by different principles, but by different measures to assimilate the minorities.
Thirdly, after the latter part of the 1960s, the problem of nationalities in China has been directly linked mainly with national security. Lastly, regarding the political rights and the economic position of the minorities, given an appearance of having been made a backward movement through the stage of these thirty years.

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This essay is aimed at clarifying what the mountain minorities of the Sino-Vietnamese frontier area had to do with the Vietnamese communist movement which eventually resulted in the August Revolution.
I. A brief sketch of Tay and Nung
Tay, whose population is 7, 400, 000, and Nung, 4, 700, 000, are ones of Thai tribes which are widely spread from southern China to Laos, Vietnam, Thailand and Burma. After Thai tribes once established an independent kingdom during the years of mid 11th century in the Sino-Vietnamese frontier area, Ly dynasty was obliged to send Kinh (Vietnamse ethnic majority) mandarins and troops into its territory of this area, and this promoted the ‘Vietnamization’ of Thai people dwelling within Vietnamese border. Tay is a kind of Thai who was ‘Vietnamized’ in such a historical process.
Thai people who dwelled beyond the Sino-Vietnamese frontier were, to some extent, assimilated to Chinese culture and they are what we see now as Chuang. But there were some of the Chuang who, for some reason or other, came to migrate into Vietnam, and these people are what we call now Nung.
II. The birth of Tay communists
Among the ethnic minorities in Vietnam, Tay has been the most closely assimilated tribe to Kinh, the majority. Some of the Tay youth were able to receive the same education as the Kinh youth. Hoang Van Thu and Hoang Ding Giong were such Tay students when the movement of mourning for Phan Chu Trinh rose among the students in 1926, and the participation to this movement made their way to become revolutionaries. Under the purge by the French authority, they escaped into southern China, where they tried to contact with Viet Nam Thanh Nien Cach Mang Dong Chi Hoi, the youth revolutionary organization established by Nguyen Ai Quoc in 1925. Thu and Giong accumulated various experiences during their stay in Chinese territory, such as enlisting in KMT Army, running a little factory, etc. Though there were many Vietnamese, not only Tay and Nung but also Kinh, who were assimilated to Chuang society after their escape into south China, some, like Thu and Giong, were not assimilated and kept their identity as Vietnamese. This was because of their consciousness of their purpose, Vietnamese revolution. In December 1929, they established a cell of the Communist Party. They became the earliest communists of the minorities in Vietnam.
III. Party construction in Viet-Bac region
Though the ICP had to suffer great regression after Nghe-Tinh Soviet movement was subjugated in 1931, the cell of Thu and Giong expanded their organization beyond the border, i. e., into Vietnamese territory. Their organization was important all the more because other organizations of the ICP was almost completely destroyed, when Le Hong Phong was despatched back from Comintern in late 1932 to reconstruct the Party. Their organization was reorganized as Cao-Bang Lang-Son Joint Province Committee and came to bare the task of constructing the liaison network from Chinese border to Tonkin Delta including Hanoi. They gradually succeeded in this task, and Thu was able to go to Hanoi in 1935 while Giong carried out his task in Hai-Phong and Hong-gay. Their activities had contributed much to the reconstruction of the ICP, and Giong was elected a member of the Ceniral Committee in the First Party Congress, 1935, and Thu was elected one of the three permanent committee members of CC in 1945.
IV. Bac-Son Uprising and Cuu Quoc Quan
Bac-Son=Vo-Nhai district lies on the mountains of Lang-Son and Thai-Nguyen provinces, and it is inhabited mainly by ethnic minorities such as Tay, Nung, etc. The first participants of the party of this district were Nung people including Chu Van Tan who later became the chairman of Viet-Bac Autonomous Region.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the interrelations between socialism and nationalism in contemporary Africa.
Generally speaking, many social scientists have a tendency to recognize that there are fundamental contradicitions between socialism and nationalism and that the latter should be overcome by the former in due course.
However, in contemporary Africa we can recognize that there are even some kinds of affinity rather than contradictions between socialism and nationalism. It is mainly because both of these have been developed as political ideologies or movements of the resurgence of Africa as well as the nation-building. In other words, socialism and nationalism are in the close interrelations through their Africanity orientation. So in every fields of development, the future of each African socialist country depends upon how to institutionalize the so-called Africanity or African values as the socialist and national policies.

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We are now in a period of intense debate about nationalism, socialism and revolution in Africa, especially in independent African states where the formal tranfer of state power from the colonialist to an African local governing class has not been accompanied by any substantial and significant transformation and change in the social and economic structure. The popular masses will ask themselves whether independence was really worth the effort and whether it was the long-awaited salvation from centuries of oppression, exploitation and deprivation. In this inevitable discussion, many names will crop up: Frantz Fanon, Sékou Touré, Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Patrice Lumumba, Eduardo Mondlane, Agostinho Neto and Amilcar Cabral. All these African patriots have provided us with methods and ideas worth considering, even if we do not always agree with them.
When we concentrate in this article on the political ideas of Amilcar Cabral, it is not because his contribution is more important than that of the others, nor do we intend to play his political thought about national liberation and revolution in Africa. Cabral distinguished himself among modern revolutionaries and became one of the world's outstanding theoreticians of anti-imperialist national liberation movement. We shall limit our discussion to his speech pronounced in the name of the people of Portuguese colonies to the First Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples' Solidarity Conference (Havana, 3rd-12th Jan. 1966).
The composition of this report Basis and Aims of the National Liberation is the following. I, On the Imperialist Domination; Introduction, 1. Our Historical Personality, 2. Stages of Historical Development, 3. Imperialism, 4. Characteristics of the Imperialist Domination, II, On the National Liberation; 1. National Liberation and Revolution, 2. Unfavorable Factors for the National Liberation Movement, 3. The Anti-colonialist Struggle, 4. The Anti-neo-colonialist Struggle, 5. Forms and Social Contents of the Struggle. In this article, we shall consider the part II On the National Liberation.

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In the 1940's, the Mexican government, which claimed to be th heir to the Revolution, consciously changed the priority of its revolutionary policy from immediate social reforms for workers and peasants to a national economic development through industrialization. It was insisted that industrialization of Mexico as a nation was a prerequisite for the improvement of life conditions of workers and peasants. In this new policy orientation, distribution of social benefits to workers and peasants was expected only as a spill-over from the process of industrialization.
The automotive industry has been one of the strategic industries in this industrialization policy. Until 1958, the automotive-industry policy of the Mexican government mainly aimed at encouraging the establishment of assembly plants within Mexican borders. However, the increase in imports of CKD kits, as well as the continuing import of finished units, deteriorated the balance of payment of Mexico. In order to overcome this bottleneck, the López-Mateos administration (1958-64) initiated a policy for prohibiting the import of finished units and Mexicanizing the production of some autoparts. This policy was found successful in the second half of the 1960's in the sense that more than 60 percent of direct production costs was Mexicanized with the result of reducing both the absolute and relative amount of imports.
However, since the Mexican government failed in reducing the number of types and models of the cars produced in Mexico, both the terminal industry and the autoparts industry could not take advantage of the economy of scale. The high cost resulting from the lack of scale economy made impossible a further Mexicanization of autoparts production. As a result, the rate of Mexicanization stagnated while the decrease of the ratio of automobile-related imports to total imports stopped toward th end of the 1960's.
Out of this stalemate, export promotion appeared as a natural policy alternative. It was expected to contribute not only to enlarging the production scale but also to alleviating the balance-of-payment difficulty in Mexico. Although the worldwide recession in the middle of the 1970's unfavorably affected both production and export of automobiles in Mexico, the policy of facilitating a further growth of the automotive industry through export seems to have come to a fruition toward the end of the 1970's.
In conclusion, the Mexican government has succeeded in making the automobile companies, both national and foreign, observe the policy instructions of the government, first for Mexicanization of autoparts production and then for export promotion. As a result, the automotive industry in Mexico has shown an extremely high rate of growth, providing Mexican workers with highly remunerated jobs. The development of the automotive industry also conduced to the growth of other industrial sectors such as steel, glass, chemicals and rubber, thus contributing to the overall growth of the Mexican economy.
However, the original goal of the Mexican government —improvement of people's life through the expansion of national industries— has not yet been achieved in two important spheres.
First, the expansion of modern industries including the automotive industry has only benefited limited segments of the population. The statistics on income distribution in Mexico show that the spill-over effect of industrialization does not automatically reach every segment of society. The lowest income groups, 20 to 40 percent of the Mexican population, have been left behind.
Second, the successful expansion of the automotive industry was achieved only through deepening dependence upon foreign enterprises. Because of this dependence, the Mexican government has had to give away generous subsidies and tax reliefs to the automobile companies. This sacrifice of government resources reduced the ability of the Mexican government to use public fund to

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