Starting to prevail in the end of the 1960's, interdependence studies have been much in fashion throughout the seventies. Almost all phenomena related to international relations were discussed in connection with “interdependence” despite the absence of its substantial clarification. Consequently, there were too many definitions to use it as an analytic concept; and attention shifted from interdependence proper to (1) international regime/order, and (2) policy/adaptation towards a contemporary complex world. First of all, this paper reviews a brief intellectual history of such interdependence studies as the vogue in a scholary world reflecting recent profound changes in the real world. Doubtlessly influenced by leading academic moods in America, interdependence studies became popular in the late 1970's in Japan, but an independent and isolated research on the subject had been conducted years earlier. Taking this study as a model, this paper analyzes interdependence studies as various approaches to understand international society which contains both national and non-national actors interwoven by numerous and complicated transactions, and which creates new types of problems awaiting novel ways of solution. In the course of analysis herein, the meanings of “interdependence” are redefined and compared with one another, and most importantly a theory of interdependent relations is proposed. Specifically, it attempts to explain conflict and cooperation over interests in transactions by the following factors: (1) transactions between actors, (2) actor's internal system, (3) actor's perceived cost and benefit associated with transactions, (4) actor's controllability of transactions, and (5) the international order to regulate transactions. Designing interdependence is needless-to-say extremely difficult. According to the analysis in this paper, however, the necessary fundamental structure of interdependent relations can be at least pointed out. Namely, the most basic structure which differentiates the situation of “interdependence” from other types of situations is multidimentional conflict cum cooperation over complicated transactions cum alternative regimes.
This is a review article of the “linkage politics” literature of the postwar era, with special reference to the works from 1974 to 1980. (Earlier works on the subject prior to 1973 and all the linkage studies done by Japanese scholars have already been reviewed by the author in 1976 and 1979 respectively.) First of all, three major tendencies in the linkage studies for this period are noted: they are works closely related to the “linkage politics theory” proper, quantitative linkage studies, usually of a domestic/international conflict linkage variety, and domestic or international sources of international/domestic behavior. Secondly, the existing linkage frameworks are summarized under the headings of (1) linkages proper, (2) international system level, and (3) domestic level along with sub-categories of actors, patterns and structures for (2) and (3). Here, particular attention is paid to the conceptual developments of “issue areas” and international as well as domestic “regimes”. Finally, the author suggests two potentially useful approaches to reorganize the domestic/external linkage frameworks in the future.
This essay is an attempt to examine EEC-ACP trade relations within the context of asymmetrical interpermeation between North and South. That is, the objective of this work is, focusing on ACP agricultural exports to the Community, to analyse the structure and functions of the EEC Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) that constitutes the integral part of the EEC protective barriers against the entry of the external agricultural products. On these lines, this essay consists of six sections, and a brief outline of each section is as follows: In the first section, general viewpoint of research is presented. In the following section, basic feature of the CAP is summarised. In the third section, overall economic conditions of ACP are described. In the fourth section, various CAP protective measures against ACP agricultural products are pointed out. In the fifth section, the nature of the EEC agricultural protectionism is discussed. Finally, concluding remarks on asymmetrical interpermeation are made.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the politico-economic implications of multinational corporations in the present world. Since the collapse of the Bretton Woods system in the early 1970s, the world economic situation has been deteriorating every year, and the various economic frictions have occured not only among the developed countries but also between North and South. This is, in a way, a revival of economic nationalism throughout the world. While, however, the Bretton Woods system—the postwar global economic frame—has been paralyzed, a new economic system has gradually come into being since the late 1960s. This is what we call “Multinational system”. There is no doubt about the vast increase in the international flow of capital, especially direct investment, throughout the world and big, powerful firms of the major industrial countries headed by the Americans have grown up to be multinational corporations. Although nowadays MNCs are investing their capital in the developing counsries, international movement of capital has thus far been prominent in the advancend capitalist countries. The stock of foreign direct investment in 1975 amounted to $259 billion, of which 74% were for the developed countries and only 26% for the developing countries. These figures clearly show that there is interpenetration of capital among the major industrial countries. MNCs are in competition with each other in the world market, but at the same time they are creating the international investment community and share the common interests in the “Multinational system”. Ideologically, we may say big international corporations are the harbinger of a new cosmopolitan age. Therefore, they probably enter into some kind of conflict with Nation-States. In the present world economy, we can see the increasing substitution of “international” trade system by that of “multinationl”. In other words, a system in which most trade is conducted between different firms in different countries is giving way to a system in which trade is conducted between the same firms in different countries. This difference means that there has developed territorial non-coincidence between MNCs and Nation-States. After the World War II, the major industrial nations have performed certain economic functions by achieving economic policy goals such as full employment, income redistribution, welfare, balance of payment equilibrium and so on. These macro economic policies have faced very difficult problems for various reasons, one of which relates to greater interdependence of MNCs vis-a-vis Nation-States. From the viewpoint that the relationship between MNCs and Nation-States is very important in the future, this paper examines the arguments of several scholars over some kinds of conflict between them.
United Nations and other related agencies have suffered from serious financial crises in carrying out the United Nations Development Decade II. It is often said that the pressure of the third world and the lack of explicit secretariat policy were the main causes of this financial crisis. However, there are still few behavioral (and quantitative) analyses of the financial problem of international organizations. The purpose of this article is to describe the decision-rule in the budgetary process of international organizations and to examine the problem of financial crisis. Originately, the financial base of international organizations is very weak and especially in case of agencies financed by voluntary contributions, it can easily be effected by member states' political attitudes. Taking into consideration these charateristics of international organizations' finance, I applied two incremental models to UNDP technical aid costs, which have a central role in UNDD II and are financed by voluntary contribution. The first model is an autoregression type taking into consideration of the following factors: constraints of financial situation, the third world' power, and organizational reforms. The second model is a model focused on the change of structure parameter. The summary of findings are as follows: (1) Incremental decision-rules are not as dominant in UNDP technical aid costs as in previously studied agencies, i. e. municipal, state and national governments and United Nations. (2) The constraint of income, especially from western nations' contributions, is extremely strong. (3) The number of the third world nations made technical aid cost grow very rapidly. (4) The adoption of the country-programme system changed the decision-rule of technical aid costs, directly causing UNDP's financial crisis. In addition, it became apparent that the estimate of income was vary optimistic, because only the amount of contributions pledged was considered, and neither delay in payments or the problem of payment in non-convertible currencies were considered in the budgyetarv process. I think that above-mentioned findings may be applicable to most other international organizations financed by voluntary contribution.
The American study of international relations since the '60s has been in confusion and disorder. There is no agreement on the future of scientific International Relations, no semblance of a theory nor hope of its development, no agreement about the accumulation of knowledge nor paradigm takeoff, no reliability in the methods nor the data, no credibility in the public domain nor relevance for the foreign policy practitioners. This is another “twenty years crisis” of confidence in the scientific study of International Relations. The crisis is not merely the result of methodological immaturity, but reflects something fundamental about the human world: it concerns the nature of scientific investigation itself. In the first part of this article, the state of the field, in confusion and disorder, is reviewed and described, and A. Lijphart's and J. Rosenau's arguments on the scientific revolution in IR are taken for criticism as a starting point for developing an alternative viewpoint, the focus of which is the intersubjective and common meanings of human behavior. In the latter part, the author looks from an interpretive angle at the study of international relations, refocusing attention on the concrete varieties of cultural meanings in their particularities and complex texture. The main thrust of the whole argument is, somehow, on the American mainstream of thought in International Relations which is pecuriarly scientistic and ethnocentric in its own way.
The lack of conceptual clarity has been one of the major difficulties in the development of the scientific study of foreign policy. Attempts to define and operationalize the concept of foreing policy often ended up aggravating the confussion. Amore useful approach would be to identify distinctive aspects of foreign policy and to evaluate analytical framworks relevant to each of them. This research note is meant to be a preliminary step in this direction. One way to identify difference among foreign policies is to classify them according to issue areas. The notion of issue area was first developed in the study of domertic politics. It was introduced in the study of foreign policy by Rosenau and Lowi and was elaborated by Zimmerman. Brewer tried to use some of those classification schemes in an empirical study of the U. S. foreign policy. These studies makes clear that the issue area refers to variables which explain different patterns of policy-making process or the difference in the relationship between input into and output from the process. The characterizations of foreign policy as the object of explanation mostly deal with it as the accumulation of discrete external actions of the states. This approach provided the foundation for the several large scale projects to collect foreign policy event data such as WEIS, DON, COPDAB and CREON. Several theories were also proposed to explain the external behavior of the states observed this way, such as Rummel's social field theory and the prototheory of lateral pressure developed by North and Choucri. However, there is a subtle but clear difference between what the issue area approach addresses to and the foreign policy behavior described by event data. The former deals with the foreign policy as the plan of external action whereas the latter is the action itself. The recognition of this gap leads to the examination of the literature on policy implementation. The organizational aspect of implementation was dealt with by Allison in his study of the Cuban missile crisis. The farmwork was expanded to incorporate the political process within governmental bureaucracy by Allison and Halperin, and then by Halperin. The recognition of the gap, however, does not necessarily imply the existence of policy prior to the externl actions of the states. From this perspective, the potential usefulness of nondecision-making approach of Bachrach and Baratz was suggested and the contribution of Steinbruner's cybernetic model was noted. Finally another distinction was noted between foreign policy output and its outcome in terms target nations and the international system.