国際政治
Online ISSN : 1883-9916
Print ISSN : 0454-2215
ISSN-L : 0454-2215
1993 巻, 103 号
選択された号の論文の17件中1~17を表示しています
  • 変容する国際社会と国連
    横田 洋三
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 1-9,L5
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The United Nations is undergoing structural changes in the post Cold War world under the leadership of the new Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali. There are also some concrete proposals for the reform of the United Nations. In the debate concerning the reform and institutional changes of the world body, one should not forget two important points.
    One is the fact that the reform of the United Nations has always been on the agenda since its creation in 1945. In fact, the drafters of the Charter themselves knew of the need for structural changes as conditions surrounding the organization drastically change. The provision of Article 109 of the UN Charter regarding the General Conference for the review of the present Charter is a good evidence of this fact. During the Cold War period when the UN was practically paralyzed due to conflict between US and USSR, who had veto power in the Security Council, numerous proposals were presented formally and informally to make the world organization work effectively to meet the need of the day.
    Many such proposals did not materialize because they required amendment of the Charter which could only be achieved with the support of five big powers. However, under these difficult conditions, some reforms were possible. For instance, in 1950, the General Assembly adopted the Uniting for Peace resolution under which the General Assembly was empowered to take action on the matter of peace and security if the Security Council was not able to act due to the use of veto by its permanent members. In the 1960's, the size of the Security Council was enlarged from 11 members to 15 in response to the increase in the membership of the UN itself. Likewise, the number of members of the Economic and Social Council was increased from 18 to 27, and later to 54.
    The reform of the UN has been discussed throughout its history and some minor changes in fact have been introduced. When we discuss the structural reforms in the turbulent post Cold War era, we should keep in mind the historical experience of the UN reform.
    Second point to be mentioned is the fact that the relationship between changes in the world and changes in the UN is mutual. It is true that the UN had to adapt to the changes taking place in the world. But there is the other side of a coin that the world also changes as a result of UN activities. The dissolution of colonies and the creation of many newly independent States in the 60's were the result of the UN actvities in monitoring the political, econimic and social development of the peoples living in the former colonies under the Trusteeship system or under Chapter XI of the Charter (“Declaration regarding Non-Self-Governing Territories”). To give another example, many international law principles, such as the right, to self-determination, permanent sovereignty over natural resources, and common heritage of mankind (with regard to resources in the deep seabed area), were created through the resolutions of the UN General Assembly.
    As illustrated above, the relationship between the world changes and the UN structural changes is not a one-way relationship. They affect each other in a complex way and we have to analyze the relationship with more care.
  • 変容する国際社会と国連
    庄司 真理子
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 10-27,L6
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    From January 1992, at the outset of his work, a new Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali has dealt with the reform of the United Nations (UN). He declared in his annual report that there was a possibility to bring about a renaissance-to create a new UN for a new international era. Before he commenced planning to improve the UN, there were many proposals for reform. The objectives of this paper are to compare these proposals for reform with the efforts of the Secretary-General. This paper is composed of three chapters; I) The history of the proposals for the reform of the UN, II) The reform of the administrative and financial functioning of the UN, III) The reform of the organization of the UN.
    I) There were two causes of the crisis at the UN. First, in 1983, the US Congress passed the Kassebaum Amendment which cut off the rate of US payments to the UN. Second, in 1984, the US and the UK withdrew from UNESCO. These two events gave rise to a financial crisis at the UN. The financial pressures have forced the UN to reduce its expenses and to reform its organizational structures. From 1985, many ideas and plans to reform the UN were devised and proposed. These proposals had some effect on the effort of Secretary-General Ghali.
    II) There are three aspects to the reform of the administrative and financial functioning of the UN. (1) The Secretariat; Ghali has implemented the regrouping a number of offices and the consolidation of related functions and activities. On account of this regrouping and consolidation, 14 posts at the Under-Secretary-Gen eral and Assistant-Secretary-General level were abolished. (2) Personnel Management; The number of UN posts financed by the regular budget has been decreased from 11, 409 in 1987 to 10, 100 in 1992. (3) Financial and Budgetary problem; The system for planning and budget procedures was revised in December, 1986. Since then, the Committee for Programme and Coordination (CPC) has had a decisive role in controlling programme content and budget size. And the decisions of intergovernmental bodies for planning and budget procedure began to be taken by consensus.
    III) In the field of the maintenance of peace and security, Ghali identified four areas for action: Preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peace-keeping, peace-building. These four areas should be considered together as part of an integrated approach.
    In the field of economic and social cooperation, there are three problems. First, Ghali suggested that the Economic Social Council (ECOSOC) might introduce a flexible high-level inter-sessional mechanism in order to facilitate a timely response to evolving socio-economic realities. Second, in the field of economic development, Ghali proposed an integrated approach. He thinks that political progress and economic development are inseparable. Third, concerning the global environment, Ghali refers to the UN Conference on Environment and Development held in June 1992.
    Five points are concluded. First, the central concepts of Ghali's reform are democratization and development; a people-centered vision of development. The ultimate goal of the reform of the UN is the reform of the world system. These dramatic visions are useful as background for UN reform. Second, in accordance with other proposals, Ghali proposes to hold a UN Summit Meeting with high-level government representatives to strengthen ECOSOC and the Security Council. Third, Ghali reaffirms that the main objective of the UN is maintaining international peace and security. Fourth, administrative and structural reform has been executed effectively since 1985, such as strengthening of the CPC and introduction of consensus decisionmaking.
  • 変容する国際社会と国連
    船尾 章子
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 28-42,L8
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    There is growing concern about the efficiency and effectiveness of United Nations activities. Compared to national bureaucracies, international secretariats are more difficult for decision-makers to supervise and control. In this context, the UN administrative control system assumes greater importance as a built-in management tool that can ensure efficient and effective functioning of the secretariat.
    This paper examines the development process of the administrative control system by independent parties, whose main components are auditing, inspection and evaluation.
    In this paper, auditing is defined as examination of the regularity of financial transactions, inspection means an assessment of the efficiency and economy of the administrative service, and evaluation is defined as analysis of the effectiveness of work by measuring accomplishments against the original objectives.
    From the UN's establishment in 1945, auditing has been the most basic administrative control tool. Inspection and evaluation were introduced as administrative management tools in the 1960s, when the UN faced a serious financial crisis as a result of peace-keeping operations in the Congo. The evaluation function was strengthened in the 1980s with the establishment of the internal evaluation system within the UN secretariat in response to a financial crisis that arose mainly when certain member states suspended payments of their assessed contributions.
    These developments were brought about by changes in the power balance between the secretariat and intergovernmental bodies as well as among the member states. These changes can be characterized as follows:
    First, the proliferation of programmes devoted to operational activities increased the workload of the secretariat and decreased the degree of supervision by intergovernmental bodies.
    Second, because of majority rule in programme planning and budget formulating process, major financial contributors, characterized as minority members in the General Assembly, tend to exert their influence directly on the policy executing process.
    Meanwhile, the politicization affecting UN staff recruitment and promotion has damaged morale and performance of the secretariat.
    While such circumstances require further reinforcement of controls on efficiency and effectiveness, the system at present is inadequately implemented. It is of urgent necessity for UN decision-makers to take measures which can strengthen and reactivate the existing third party control system, giving priority to the inspection and evaluation functions.
  • 変容する国際社会と国連
    渡部 茂己
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 43-56,L9
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Promoting the reformation of the United Nations has significance as important as building an international (or a world) order for the future. The proposals that “reforming the United Nations is building a world order itself” and that “for a new world order, it is vitally important that the United Nations is made stronger and more effective (Commom Responsibility in the 1990's: The Stockholm Initiative on Global Security and Governance)” were made. It is necessary to consider an ideal internatonal order and discuss the reformation which is possible today. In other words, we must first have the ideal image in mind and then ask a possible reformation of the current state. It should not be the opposite order.
    The frequent occurence of regional disputes for the recent few years and their relations with the Security Council are certainly paid attention to. Moreover, it is not denied that the first purpose of the United Nations is “to maintain international peace and security (U. N. Charter, Art. 1).” Therefore, discussions concerning the United Nations reformation are mainly concentrated on the reformation of the Security Council. However, an objection will be made in this article. It is not possible to solve the problem essentially if the General Assembly, which should widely reflect standpoints of peoples in various nations, as well as the Security Council does not function effectively.
    The content of a “new international order” can be forcused on the following three points: first, the end of the cold war and the old Soviet Union's collapse; second, nations' attention to the function of the United Nations; third, respect to the basic human rights. An order on which international society shoud be based has been transformed and the European integration in recent years, which contains a system of direct representation of peoples, has been developing. Thus, some proposals for revising the General Assembly are needed and should be examined now.
    The necessity to reform the organization of the United Nations corresponds to the idea that democratization must be applied to all political scenes, not only to domestic relation between state and people. The problem of the relation involved in “the democratization of the United Nations” and “democratization in a country” can be solved by introducing the “direct representative” system to the General Assembly.
    It may not be considered that various proposals for reforming the General Assembly examined in this article are realized at once today. However, we are not able to forecast what will happen next year or even tomorrow in our international society. At least, making efforts to present a certain direction for a new international order in the 21st century should be continued.
  • 変容する国際社会と国連
    瀬田 宏
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 57-71,L10
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Korean War and the Gulf War were the two largest wars in scale after World War II, except for the Vietnam War and the Middle East Wars. The United Nations Security Council responded efficiently each time. Because of the different background of the situation, the Security Council's responses also differed in some points and had similarities in others.
    At the outset of the Korean War, the Security Council adopted a resolution calling on the North Korean authority to withdraw its forces immediately. In the case of the Gulf War, the Security Council adopted a similar resolution at the start of the Gulf Crisis, also demanding that Iraq withdraw its troops with a stronger expression in the text. This tough language was the result of the end of the Cold War and the weakening position of the Soviet Union, i. e. the comparative strengthening of the United States' position in international relations.
    At the beginning of the Korean War, the United States was keenly concerned about the Soviet Union's participation in the war. Although the powerful Soviet Union had boycotted the Security Council at that time, its influence shadowed the UN meeting and caused some of the neutral countries to revise the resolution text to a softer tone removing harsh words such as “aggression”. The concession made by the United States was a reflection of the critical situation at the Korean front where the South Korean Army was badly defeated by the well-prepared North Korean forces.
    On the contrary, when Iraqi forces invaded Kuwait on August 1990, U. S. top officials did not have the same worries as they did 40 years ago. The United States had confidence in its own power to deal with Iraq's aggression. And in the end, it did expel Iraqi forces out of Kuwait after a half year's military build up. The ground battle lasted only 4 days compared to the 3 years of the Korean War.
    As for the Security Council, the resolution condemning Iraq's invasion was adopted without opposition. Even the Soviet Union agreed to the resolution. At that time, the Soviet Union had to cooperate with the United States because of its internal situation. Yet the Soviet Union opposed use of the word “use of force” in the resolution adopted on 29 November 1990. The word was replaced to “all necessary means” after meetings and conversations between the U. S. and Soviet foreign ministers.
    In the Gulf War, the United Nations force was not organized. Because, it is said, the United States wanted to keep a free hand to control the military command. Even if this pattern—the Multinational Froces—is efficient, it is time to consider seriously the future form of UN forces. And in order to prevent a new war, these forces should play the role of “vaccine”.
  • 変容する国際社会と国連
    岡垣 知子
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 72-86,L11
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The ending of the Cold War and the cooperative atmosphere among Great Powers brought by it has become the basis for today's discussion on revitalizing the United Nations' role in maintaining world peace. The purpose of the essay is threefold: 1) to examine the nature of the United Nations' Peace-keeping Operations (PKO), which has been a major instrument in containing regional conflicts throughout the postwar period; 2) to evaluate the view of the activist school of thought in today's debate on enhancing the role of PKO; 3) to discuss the future course of the PKO.
    Although there has been an increasing tendency since Gulf War to regard PKO as part of Collective Security or something linked to it, a distinction has to be made between the two. In contrast to Collective Security, which is based on “just war theory”, PKO is characterized by its non-combatant nature and impartiality. Two important features of postwar international society created the background for the emergence of PKO. The first is the change in the concept of war that was brought by the development of modern weapons technology and by the antagonism of the Cold War. Wars had to be contained on the local level before they escalated into general war. “Cease-fire” became an end in itself rather than a step in a war-settlement process as in the past.
    The second important feature of postwar international society is what Robert Jackson calls the “negative sovereignty regime.” The postwar world has witnessed the expansion of the European state system, which now covers the globe. By the extinction of open space to which the international system “exports” war while maintaining peace within the system itself, the international system has become conservative in terms of territorial sovereignty. Preservation of the territorial status-quo became an implicit rule of the postwar international relations, to which the United Nations' PKO has contributed.
    The future course of PKO will be found in its link not with “peace-enforcement” but with “peace-making, ” which is outlined in Chapter 6 of the Charter. This chapter suggests a UN role in mediating between the parties of disputes and investigating the conflict situation. In energizing PKO, the enhanced role of the Secretary General will be the key, especially in preventive diplomacy. Most needed is a systematized information-gathering system that will enable the Secretary General to have his own sources of information, on the crisis situation.
    Although each PKO is unique and generalization is difficult, the effectiveness of PKO, like that of any institution, depends on how to balance its “autonomy” as a system and its “flexibility” to adapt to new environment. PKO activities have been expanding in response to emergence of post Cold War conflicts. There is a tendency to use PKO not only as an instrument of preserving order, but also as an instrument of achieving justice. However, diversification of the types of PKO should not undermine its impartiality, which has been the essence of its success both in the past, and likely in the future.
  • 変容する国際社会と国連
    則武 輝幸
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 87-98,L12
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Thirteen UN peace-keeping operations were established between the years 1945 and 1987; fourteen others were newly established since 1988. The costs and unpaid arrears of these operations have been increasing rapidly. In 1992, the costs aggregated to about 1.4 billion. The unpaid arrears reached some 662 million as of 31 October 1992. In addition, the unpaid contributions for the regular budget up to now amount to some 576 million.
    To respond to this serious financial crisis, former Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar made the following proposals to the General Assembly in November 1991:
    (a) Charging interest on the amounts of assessed contributions that are not paid on time;
    (b) Suspending certain financial regulations of the United Nations to permit the retention of budgetary surpluses;
    (c) Increasing the Working Capital Fund to a level of 250 million;
    (d) Establishment of a temporary Peace-keeping Reserve Fund, at a level of 50 million, to meet initial expenses of peace-keeping operations pending receipt of assessed contributions;
    (e) Authorization to the Secretary-General to borrow commercially, should other sources of cash be inadequate;
    (f) Establishment of a United Nations peace endowment fund, with an initial target of 1 billion. The fund would be created by a combination of assessed and voluntary contributions, with the latter being sought from Governments and the private sector, as well as individuals. Once the fund reached its target level, the proceeds from the investments of its principal would be used to finance the initial costs of authorized peace-keeping operations, other conflict-resolution measures and related activities.
    In addition to these, Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali recommended the following in June 1992.
    (g) Immediate establishment of a revolving peace-keeping reserve fund of 50 million;
    (h) Agreement that one third of the estimated cost of each new peace-keeping operation be appropriated by the General Assembly as soon as the Security Council decides to establish the operation;
    (i) Acknowledgement by Member States that, under exceptional circumstances, political and operatioal considerations may make it necessary for the Secretary-General to employ his authority to place contracts without competitive bidding.
    To charge interest in accordance with proposal (a) will not have a marked effect on developing countries under heavy external debt burdens. Proposals (b), (d) and (g) have already been implemented. The G. A. established the peace-keeping reserve fund of 150 million in December 1992. Its resources are budgetary surpluses. Proposal (c) has not yet been implemented, but it will be easy to get an agreement. Proposal (e) is not so desirable, because the UN will be burdened with external debts in the long run. Proposal (h) is not desirable as well, because the power of the G. A. to “consider and approve the budget” (UN Charter, Art. 17 (1)) will be violated. To implememt proposal (i) will have little effect, because to place contracts without competitive bidding has already been common in the UN. Proposal (f) is a long-term one. To implement this is essencial for UN to secure its financial resources.
    In addition to these, the author recommends as follows:
    (a) To permit developing countries to pay contributions in kind in place of in cash.
    (b) To secure its financial resources, the UN should seek to make profits by commerce after the example of the UNICEF.
  • 変容する国際社会と国連
    秋月 弘子
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 99-113,L14
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper describes ongoing comprehensive policy review of operational activities for development of the United Nations system, and analyzes a trend of institutional evolution of organs within the United Nations system by which the operational activities are undertaken, in view of identifying a possible future course of restructuring the United Nations system. To this end, new implementation modalities for the United Nations Development Programme's (UNDP) technical assistance, namely “support cost successor arrangements” are introduced, and their effects on raison d'être of the Specialized Agencies are analyzed.
    United Nations General Assembly Resolution 44/211 entitled “Comprehensive triennial policy review of operational activities for development of the United Nations system”, adopted on 22 December 1989 by consensus, reaffirms that the recipient Governments have the principal responsibility for design and management of external assistance, and that the exercise of those responsibilities is crucial to the strengthening and utilization of national capacity. The operational activities for development of the United Nations system, therefore, have to be streamlined with (a) a shift from a project approach to a programme approach, (b) delegation of authority from the headquarters to the country level, (c) strengthening resident co-ordinator system, and (d) national execution.
    The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), which is an autonomous subsidiary organ of the General Assembly, is the central funding agency for technical co-operation within the United Nations system. As such, UNDP is undertaking a major policy alteration in line with the General Assembly resolution 44/211.
    One of the modifications, with regard to implementation of UNDP's technical co-operation, is introduced by the UNDP Governing Council resolution 91/32 dated 25 June 1991 entitled “Support costs successor arrangements”. The new arrangements aim at (a) national execution, (b) a shift of technical assistance by the Specialized Agencies from a project level to a programme level, (c) reimbursement of project support costs by UNDP to each Specialized Agency, which amounts to 13% flat of total UNDP projects, is altered by payment of actual expenses for technical advice rendered by each Specialized Agency.
    The new arrangements result in shrunk activities and decreased budget of the Specialized Agencies as project executing agencies. Consequently, the implementation of new support cost arrangements and the extension of national execution create a particular set of challenges with respect to the future role of the Specialized Agencies.
    In fact, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) acknowledges that the new arrangements may affect the substance of its technical co-operation programme and the capacity of the ILO to carry out projects that are of central importance to its mandate.
    On the other hand, UNDP as a funding agency would strengthen its monitoring role and financial control over the Specialized Agencies. The ongoing policy alteration, therefore, would lead not only to the modification of implementation modality for UNDP's technical co-operation, but also to redefinition of technical role of the Specialized Agencies, and thus, to restructuring the United Nations system as a whole.
    Secretary-General Gali initiated a reorganization of the United Nations Secretariat in January 1992, aiming at an integration and centralization of organs in the field of economic and social development. This reorganization, however, goes backward from an operational point of view, since the operational activities for development of the United Nations system have evolved by creation of new organs and decentralization of authority thereto. Restructuring the United Nations system has to be deliberated taking into account of efficient and effective operational activities of the United Nations system.
  • 変容する国際社会と国連
    二宮 正人
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 114-128,L15
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In today's United Nations system, cooperation for development has been one of the most important tasks. The new orientation for development policy may be characterized as follows:
    (a) Promoting economic growth needs the appropriate economic and social framework. If it is lacking, structural adjustment has to be done.
    (b) One should recognize the necessity of consideration for social influence to vulnerable groups of the population in carrying out structural adjustment programmes.
    (c) Structural adjustment programmes should contain appropriate measures for long-term and sustained development, which take into account priority, national development objectives, and, thereby, contribute to the improvement of human and social conditions.
    From the viewpoint of the role of international organizations, these circumstances have changed their function of co-ordination into that of management. In other words, when they assist developing countries, various and strict conditions have been imposed. As a natural result, the confrontation between developing countries and international organizations, especially the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, has come into existence. For such activities may be regarded as some kinds of internal intervention. That is so called Conditionality.
    The aim of this paper, therefore, is to clear the character of Conditionality through studying the operational activities for development by some international organizations. The term of Conditionality, however, will be defined as follows: All the acts and the forms that international organizations request developing countries to do something which belongs exclusively to their national competence in the process of the operative activities for development. According to this definition, the practices by IMF, the World Bank, and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) will be examined.
    Considering the relationship between international organizations and their member States, an analysis of the legality of Conditionality should be done on the basis of the following two approaches. First of all, it should be analyzed in the context of deliberation, that is competence of the international organization. Secondly, it should be analyzed in the context of negotiation, that is diplomacy by the international organization.
    After analyzing them, the character of Conditionality will be clear as follows: (a) Rationale of Conditionality as an indispensable part of the operational activities, (b) Process of negotiation which begins with the developing countries' request after all, (c) Exercise of Conditionality as diplomacy by means of positive measures, and (d) Conditionality's objectives which are not adapted for being governed by the international law.
    Finally, the meaning of Conditionality in the last trend of global development policy will be focussed on.
  • 変容する国際社会と国連
    庄司 克宏
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 129-140,L17
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Two issues are discussed: the first one relates to the relations between the organs of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the UN Human Rights Committee (UN Committee) set up by the UN Covenant on Civil and political Rights (CCPR), and the second one concerns the relationship between EC and CCPR.
    1. On the first issue
    The EC Member States are all Contracting Parties to ECHR, which is ratified by 26 European countries (as of January 1991). Most of these countries are also signatories of CCPR, and 15 of those signatories also ratified the Optional Protocol thereto (OP).
    Article 5 (2) (a) of OP only prevents the UN Committee from examining a communication while another process of international investigations, such as the one in the organs of ECHR, is being conducted. On the other hand, according to Article 27 (1) (b), the European Commission of Human Rights (the Commission) is altogether barred from considering a complaint previously lodged with UN Committee unless new evidence has been produced. It is, therefore, possible that the same matter already considered by the Commission is under examination by UN Committee.
    To avoid this, 12 of the ECHR Contracting States have made reservations which further preclude examination by UN Committee of individual communications where the same matter has already been considered in the procedure under ECHR.
    But the problem arises concerning whether a consideration in the procedure under ECHR includes considering even admissibility of the case or only the merits. The latter view should be supported, although the majority of UN Committee members are in favour of the former view. The reason is that better protection of individuals' human rights should be more favoured than preserving the authority of the organs of ECHR.
    2. On the second issue
    The Court of Justice of EC adopts the “guideline” approach, which means using international treaties on human rights, including ECHR, CCPR and so forth, as a ‘catalogue’ of human rights for EC, which is lacking in its own one despite the supranational character, EC is not under the authority of UN Commission, since EC as such is not a Contracting Party to them, although 8 Member States of EC are Contracting Parties to CCPR and OP.
    The problem arises, however, when national authorities of the EC Member States implementig EC provisions violate certain human rights enshrined in CCPR. The solution is that the EC Member States which ratified both CCPR and OP should not be able to escape their obligations under them simply because they transferred part of their powers to EC. This opinion leads to the idea that EC is indirectly responsible before UN Committee to that extent.
    UN ought to play a complementary but active role in protecting human rights of individuals in Europe.
  • 土佐 弘之
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 141-171,L18
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this article is to offer one interpretation of the resolution process of the Cambodian conflict from 1982 till the end of 1991, by using a simple frame of reference focusing on strategic triangles.
    The first point of focus is on the interactions between strategic triangles at global, regional and local level. I distinguish between three levels of the systems. The first is the strategic relations of the superpowers (the Soviet Union, China and the United States) at the global level. The second is the strategic relations of countries (Thailand, Vietnam and China) at the regional level. The third is the relations of the domestic political players (PRK, Khmer Rouge, Sihanouk faction and Son Sann faction) at the local level. This paper traces the changing relations at each level through the conflict resolution process of the Cambodian case. In particular, it focuses on the way in which the reconciliation or normalization between superpowers induced the players of regional conflict games to become reconciled with each other.
    The second point of focus is on the dynamics of how the regional powers in the regional systems, the so-called middle powers, contributed to the resolution of regional conflicts. In the case of resolution of the Cambodian conflict, Thailand, Indonesia, and Australia played an important role. During the Cold War period, the structure of the superpower conflict restricted the ability of the middle powers to play such a role as an intermediary. However the end of the Cold War enabled the middle powers to play an intermediary role in international relations.
    The chronological change of strategic triangles could be described as follows. Phase 1 is the period when the structure of strategic triangles at the start of CGDK was quite predominant. During this period, Vietnam began to change its Cambodian policy and middle powers such as Indonesia and Australia tried to play a role as intermediaries but their efforts ended in failure. During phase 2, some sides of the strategic triangles were ameliorated. For example, the relations between Soviet and China improved slightly and Sihanouk opened a dialogue with Hun Sen. The middle powers like Indonesia and even Thailand tried to set up the place for ‘a dialogue for a dialogue’ between the parties concerned with the Cambodian conflict and succeeded.
    Phase 3 symbolizes the détente era when the superpowers improved relations with each other. Gorbachev's visit to Beijing and the Malta summit represented a drastic improvement of strategic relations at global level. Phase 4 began from the time when Australia used the good atmosphere at the global level and offered a framework for peace proposal to the Permanent Five (P5) members of the Security Council of the United Nations. The P5 made a ‘framework for comprehensive political settlement of the Cambodia Conflict’ based on the Australian proposal and pressured the parties concerned, including the Khmer Rouge, to compromise with each other. Then the SNC (Supreme National Council) was set up and the peace proposal was finally agreed to by all factions in Paris in 1991. However behind the curtain of this stage, real politics against the Khmer Rouge evolved until the Hun Sen-Sihanouk coalition was announced at the end of 1991.
  • 西崎 文子
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 172-176
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 関根 政美
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 176-179
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山田 高敬
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 180-184
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 吉高神 明
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 184-187
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 福田 菊
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 187-190
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 横田 洋三
    1993 年 1993 巻 103 号 p. 191
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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