国際政治
Online ISSN : 1883-9916
Print ISSN : 0454-2215
ISSN-L : 0454-2215
1996 巻 , 111 号
選択された号の論文の19件中1~19を表示しています
  • 藪野 祐三
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 1-4,L5
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    We are now directly facing a Global System instead of International System which has consisted of a nation-state system. In the period when a nation-state system has been so powerful and broadly effective in international affairs not only in terms of military conflicts but also in terms of trade issues and cultural disputes, the World should have been under the control of multi-network of nation-states.
    As it is well known, there are three sud-systems in a nation-state: one is a governmental system located at the top of a nation-state, and the second is a political society system located also at the bottom of it, and finally the third is a political process system located just between the two. When a nation-state has been so effective in World politics, a governmental system has been working in the most influential ways in politics as in the 1950s. However, the interest groups have started working in international stages, when the age of economy has come, though interest groups are located under a governmental system as in the 1970s. As the time gone on, people at large who are considered to be at the bottom of a political system have come to appear international affairs.
    As this shows, a nation-state system can not be occupied by only a governmental system, and other systems soch as a political process and a political society have begun to be effective in World affairs. This stage should be newly called the age of the Global System instead of the International System mainly because of that. There should be three dimensions in the Global System for research: one is to find out new actors with a government as NGO. The second is to make research on international integrations not only in terms of military coalitions as NATO, but also in terms of Global economic activities such as NAFT. This is rather activities of regional and localized fields. And finally there should be a study of the Global System itself on how it will be shifting.
    This volume will cover these three dimensions for further studies of Global System researches. As for the conclusion, the transformation of the Global System should be with the transformation in the Global System.
  • 高柳 彰夫
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 5-19,L6
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The rising concerns on global issues like poverty and development, human rights, environment, and gender, has increased attention on the roles of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). Various U. N. conferences on global issues, such as the Earth Summit in Brazil in 1992, and the Social Summit in Copenhagen in 1995, has witnessed the increased roles of NGOs. On the issue of poverty and development, multilateral and bilateral development aid agencies have increased their interest in working together with NGOs. Currently, over five percent of bilateral official development assistance (ODA) is estimated to be channelled through NGOs. Also in the South, cases of collaboration between NGOs and governments are increasing.
    On the other hand, NGOs are becoming critical of governmental organizations (GOs) through their advocacy works, important cases of which could be found from the parallel fora of U. N. conferences on global issues. Both collaboration and tension are found in the current NGOs-GOs relations, which was described by a Canadian NGO as “creative tension”. The purpose of this paper is examine the significance of NGOs working on the issue of poverty and development, and the background of “creative tension”. My argument in this paper is that 1) the changing roles of NGOs, and 2) various views found in the global tendency towards redefinition of “development”, are the sources of the “creative tension”.
    NGOs, traditionally working on relief and welfare, and small-scale development projects in the community level, now also attempt to influence national and global policies that possibily affect the lives of the people in the grassroots through supporting institutional development of people's organizations and networking in the national and international levels. Approaches for “scaling up” of their impacts include 1) increase of projects and organizational growth, 2) working with the governments, 3) building grassroots movement, 4) networking of grassroots movements to influence national policy, and 5) advocacy in the North.
    In the global tendency towards redefining “development”, NGOs and many of the GOs, particularly OECD's Development Assistance Committee (DAC) and several U. N. organizations, share the view that development must put people in the center, be both inter- and intra-generationally just, equitable, and environmentally sustainable. But while GOs consider economic growth and free and open market indispensable for human and sustainable development, the mainstream thought of the NGO community is that poverty, environmental destruction and other problems are the products of growth-centered development and free and open market. They articulate community-based solutions instead of setting universal principles. This difference in the visions on human and sustainable development is the cause of NGOs' criticism on GOs, evident in statements of NGOs' parallel fora of U. N. -sponsored conferences on global issues.
    NGOs and increased number of GOs call for participatory development, democratization, respect for human rights and “good governance” both as an end and as means for human and sustainable development, while some GOs like the World Bank are interested in the governance issue only from the viewpoint of effectiveness of developent program, and some Southern, particularly East Asian leaders oppose “Western-model” democracy and human rights. NGOs and increased number of GOs share the view that to promote participatory development, the development of rural groups, consumer, women and youth organizations, trade unions and other independent groups, and networking between them is required. NGOs put greater emphasis than GOs on the realization of increased people's influence through development of “civil society”.
    In sum, NGOs have become the kind of actor which attempts to promote “grassroots-based
  • 石川 恵美
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 20-33,L8
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The forces of regionalization and decentralization have triggered tremendous changes in the global system of politics, economics and society. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the structure of regionalization and decentralization and to explain how the two phenomena relate to each other, paying particular attention to the formation of Greater China (the Chinese Economic Area, cosisting of the People's Republic of China, Hong Kong and Taiwan) and the decentralization of the PRC.
    The study begins with a look at the changing concepts of world politics of the three Chinese states from a position of juxtaposing two different economic systems to participation in only one capital market. Despite disputing their sovereignty, the three Chinese states have developed economic integration. This phenomenon is the result of changing concepts of world politics and economics held by the three Chinese states. Through this conceptual transformation, the PRC established its present global strategy, which relates to carrying out its own decentalization and regionalization.
    The second section of the paper considers facts which made the promotion of regionalism in East Asia difficult. It then examines how the trends of regionalization by the three Chinese states —the PRC, Hong Kong and Taiwan— and decentralization of the PRC related to each other, and how they interact. The finding is that the two phenomena tend towards mutual economic integration.
    The final section of the paper is a description of Greater China, focusing on the portion of the Chinese Economic Area in southeast China, where economic intergration across the border is already well developed, and from where such integration has spread throughout the PRC. Such economic and social integration can be attributed to the increase of provincial autonomy. The PRC's decentalization seems to serve the region's own perceived interests by enabling it to pursue links with Greater China independently of Beijing.
    In summary, the conclusion of the paper is that decentralization and regionalization are subordinate to globalization, and that these phenomena make possible regionalization among different social systems or types of capitalism.
  • 岩下 明裕
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 34-50,L9
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In contemporary international relations, after the breakdown of “Berlin Wall”, the end of East-West conflicts, and expectation for the “New World Order”, we lose theoretical and practical perspectives for assessing the future. We face extreme nationalism, for example, in the ex-Soviet Union and ex-Yugoslavia, and a so-called “New World Disorder”, which might be caused by collapses of the existing national borders.
    Of couse, Gorvachev's perestroika foreign policy replaced the “Cold War” with a new East-West relationship, which ended the bipolar world order divided by two social systems. The prevention of East-West conflicts and closer relationships between the the ex-Soviet Union and the United States under the “Post-Cold War” period was said to be a prologue to the “New Order” constituted beyond the “national interests”, under the “common human interest”. After the Gulf War, a new type of cooperation between the “great powers” has started by use of the United Nations. In 1992, a new General Secretary of the United Nations, Boutros Ghali, being to consider how it should be reorganized, issued his plan (“An Agenda for Peace”).
    The uneasiness of conversion from a socialist state to capitalist, or the posibility of escalation of national conflicts, involving bloodshed, caused by the loss the existing social system and the collapse of state integrity, led us to a different perspective. Instability in-and-around the ex-Soviet Union, the civil war in the ex-Yugoslavia, especially Bosnia-Herzegovina's case, is serious. The U. N. and the U. S. do not have enough power to control such a situation.
    In addition to that, Russo-West relations are worsening day by day, because of the plan to lift the arms embargo to Croatia and widen the membership of NATO to include the former East and Soviet Republics. The “happy song” has seemed to turn into a “sad melody”.
    I want to name this rapid change the “Post Cold War Syndrome”, which is very dangerous for a researcher when she or he analyses the “Post Cold War world”. I think that pessimism over the present situation, which is sometimes called the “Cold Peace”, has countered the optimistic perspectives towards the end of “Cold War” and the “New World Order” initiated by perestroika.
    I will choose as a clue to analize this “Syndrome” a case study of Russian foreign policy transformation in this paper. And I try to examine whether this foreign policy had really acted beyond the “national interest” or towards the “common human interest”, which brought the end of “Cold War” and the beginning of the “New World Order”.
    My conclusion is that “the foreign policy elites”, theoretically or pragmatically, had never wanted to damage the “national interest”, and that these officials who conducted the perestroika foreign policy have always though of their own state's interest as a “great power”. We can not, therefore, distinguish the perestroika foreign policy from their so-called “cold peace” policy.
    In the period of perestroika, we relied too much on their description over their foreign policy. And today we still do so. We sometimes exaggerate the changes in a state's conduct in international affairs. With such attitudes continuing, we may never find the appropriate perspectives towards the real changes of the “grobal system”.
  • 加藤 順美
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 51-65,L11
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this paper the movement for autonomy in East Pakistan will be examined with particular attention to the role of the Awami League (1949-1971). Based on that examination, this paper will also examine the factors responsible for the movement from autonomy to secession.
    Based on the old concept of the nation, autonomous groups within the nation were regarded as subordinate to the nation. But it is often the case that the individual autonomous groups relate to the respective nation not as a subordinate, but as an equal.
    Much research focuses on the existence of a common language and religion as the factors which act as the adhensive of any autonomous group. Based on that, they point out that those struggling for autonomy be conscious of their exploitation and oppression by other groups.
    However, even groups which recognize the crisis of their identity do not always relate with their countries as equals, and do not always begin a movement for autonomy. Furthermore, even if a movement to autonomy were to change to a movement for secession, that group would not necessarily gain independent statehood. There are many cases in which emergent countries face a movement to secession but there are not so many examples of success.
    Taking to the above into consideration, especially focusing on the relation between the movement for autonomy and the movement for secession, the following question will occur; Is the nature of the movement for autonomy different from the nature of the movement for secession? And what are the factors which cause an autonomy movement to become a secessionist movement?
    In the case of Pakistan, the groups which tried to gain autonomy became one unit and the autonomy movement became a secessionist movement. That is why examing the transition of the secessionist movement in East Pakistan may suggest an answer to this question.
  • 田村 慶子
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 66-83,L12
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper examines Singapore's ambivalent position on ASEAN co-operation.
    Established in 1967, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has come to be regarded as an important regional grouping of nations from economic as well as political point of view. The economic importance of the association, however, could be said to derive more from the rapid growth and development performance of some of its member economies than the collective strength and cohesion of the association itself. At the Singapore summit of the ASEAN heads of government held in January 1992, this relative lack of success was recognized and concrete proposals such as the ASEAN Free Trade Area were made to accelerate the pace of economic co-operation.
    Singapore, the smallest nation in ASEAN by population and geographical size, heads the ASEAN list in terms of urban character and greater degree of modernization of the economy. Therefore the more ASEAN makes efforts to promote economic co-operation, the more Singapore gains in theory.
    However in deepening ASEAN co-operation, Singapore may face several problems. First, as her symbiotic as well as competitive neighbor Malaysia does not like to see Singapore's economy dominating the region under the Growth Triangle Concept, the relationship of both countries may be strained. Second, Malay Singaporeans who lag behind other ethnic groups in economic and social status may look to Malay Malaysians who are becoming richer under the Malaysia's New Economic Policy. This could cause a serious problem on Singapore's national integration. Third, tens of thousands of workers from ASEAN countries are now employed as construction workers and housemaids in Singapore but the Government of Singapore regards them as adjustors of the market and deals with them mercilessly. They may be dismissed easily when the Singapore market is dull. This may be serious international ploblem between Singapore and other ASEAN nations.
  • 五月女 律子
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 84-99,L13
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    To better understand the mechanism of regional cooperation, this paper examines cooperation between the Nordic countries from the late 1940s to the early 1970s. Regional cooperation can be defined by three “issue-areas”: security, economy and community. This paper argues that the nature of the cooperation plans and their breakdowns in certain issue-areas could lead to the promotion of cooperation in other issue-areas, as the Nordic experience demonstrates.
    The first part of this paper shows that efforts to strengthen regional cooperation between the Nordic countries in the community area have been successful. These efforts include creation of The Nordic Council (Nordiska rådet) and the Nordic passport union in 1952; conclusion of the Nordic Cooperation Treaty (The Helsinki Treaty) in 1962; and amendment of the Helsinki Treaty, creation of The Nordic Council of Ministers (Nordiska ministerrådet) and conclusion of two cooperation treaties concerning culture and transportation in 1971 and 1972.
    The second part of this paper demonstrates that attempts and their failures for regional cooperation in the security area actually all became factors of promoting cooperation in the community area. In fact, there was no institutions established nor treaties signed during the same period. In the late 1940s, there was a failed attempt to make a defense union. Several plans of the Nordic nuclear-weapon-free-zone were proposed in the early 1960s but never bore fruit. At the beginning of 1970s, no plan of security cooperation was proposed.
    The third part of this paper shows that although plans of economic regional cooperation were relatively unproductive, they did assist the growth of cooperation in the community area. The first plan was an investigation for the possibility of creating a custom union from the late 1940s to the mid-1950s. The actual union was never established. The Nordic Common Market Plan was also discussed but was not put into practice in the latter half of 1950s. In the late 1960s, the NORDEK plan almost turned into reality but the attempt failed due to the Finnish opposition.
    Analyzing regional cooperation by focusing on three different areas of cooperation allows us to conclude that cooperation in the community area was not a self-contained process and that plans and their breakbown in the security and economy area had been important factors of promoting cooperation in the community area.
  • 松本 八重子
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 100-114,L14
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Since WWII, GATT-WTO has promoted trade liberalization at the global level, while regional economic integration has also increased and deepened economic interdependence in Europe, Latin America and other areas under GATT 24. The question of the relations between the global trade system and regional economic integration has not yet been fully explicated.
    The purpose of this paper is to set up a theoretical model which can explain why cooperative subsystems are nested whithin an international system of economic integration. Why were regional and subregional subsystems introduced in the GATT? What kind of functions have other types of subsystems, such as preferential regimes for the LDCs and Multifibre Arrangement (MFA), fulfilled? In order to explain the phenomenon of “nesting”, I used the two concepts of “positive deviation” and “negative deviation”, on the presumption that there exists a limit to the standardization of the common actions among the member states due to the differences in the levels the of industrialization, market sizes, and national development policies.
    “Positive deviation” permits a subgroup of the member states or a certain sector to push the integration a step forward by accelerating liberalization further than the common level of integration. Sometimes, an institution for subregional integration would be created within the original integration system. Or, sectoral agreement for a part of the members might be signed as is the case of the GATT Agreement on Trade in Civil Aircraft. In addition to the trade creation effects, this method would make the mass production possible in the sectors of higher technology, which requires larger economies of scale. The subregional integration would play the role as a locomotive of the higher system of integration under certain conditions.
    “Nagative deviation” is a method for protectionism, admitting policy intervention in the common market mechanism. The developed member states would intend to leniently proceed with the structural adjustment in their declining sector by forming a MFA-type subsystem. The developing countries would aim at lessening the burden of integration by setting a special regime for LDCs.
    As for the relation between the international trade order and its subsystems, the subsystems can work within the normative framework of the international system and thus the order is maintained. But the legitimate formation of subsystems cannot escape from the discrimination between those who join a subsystem and those who do not. When the member states are fully aware of the importance of their interdependence, they have tended to assume liberal attitudes toward the creation of subsystems. In order to increase the economic welfare in the subsystems, it is important to keep the proper balance between free competition and protective measures in their respective integration plans.
  • 池田 佳隆
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 115-128,L15
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The main feature of the three layered structure model of the global system is the recognition that sovereign states are challenged from below and above, leading to the system which consists of international level, state level and local level. In this paper, I argue against the thesis that local entities have emerged as new actors in the global system.
    Some scholars emphasize the decentralization trend in the developed countries and others point out the emergence of autonomous regions that are free from the restraint of traditional political boundaries.
    As for first point, decentralization itself does not create a substantial change of the global system. There are many federal states in the world and local authorities in each country have enjoyed considerable autonomy. Furthermore, central governments have their own interest in advancing decentralization. It is necessary for them to avolid overloading itself with such functions as social, health, education and welfare programs.
    As for the second point, I maintain that local entities are not autonomous enough to form transnational frameworks that directly interfere with national sovereignty. In addition, in the case of transnational economic areas, central governments often take the role of promoting such areas as a part of their development strategy.
    I support the argument that there are two trends in the global system structure, integration and fragmentation. My point is that radical regionalists are anxious to obtain prestige of having the status as sovereign states. They do not appear to be satisfied with mere increae in their jurisdiction. With the increase of sovereign states after the Second World War, the tendency for regionalists to seek sovereignty has become stronger.
    The thesis of this paper is that the appropriate model of the global system has a two, not three, layered structue. In this model, the formation of regional economic blocks and the rise of independence movements go hand in hand. On the one hand, for example, the development of European integration has brought about Scotland and Wales' strategy of “Independence in Europe”. In addition, the framework of Canada-U. S. Free Trade Agreement accelerated the independence movement in Quebec. On the other hand Ukraine and Beralus want closer economic relationships with Russia even though the two countries played a prominent role in the breakup of the Soviet Union. These cases show that the two trends are not contradictory with each other, but complementary.
  • 清水 淳平
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 129-143,L17
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this article is to make preliminary consideration for introduction of “international society as self-organization system” to international relations theory. Scholars of international relations have endeavoured to explain international relations by using the concept of system. This task was too difficult and complex because in natural science as well as in social science the concept of system was not quite definite. But recently, in 1980s, some theorists have argued that system is not to be studied as a substance discovered by empirical observations but used as a perspective to perceive objects. This attitude of using system as a perspective is called “system thinking”. By this we can improve the method of analysis of international relations.
    In the first section, we shall examine the nature of system thinking as a scientific method. Following this, we shall make a definition of system in a general manner. In the secound section we shall criticize some models of international systems theorists: Kenneth N. Waltz, and Hedley Bull. They have formed controversial models of international system. In addition, we shall refer to the problem of level-of-analysis in international relations, which was posed by J. David Singer: “Are international system and nation-states adequate tools for the analysis of international relations?” In last section we shall introduce the concept of complex system. Complex system is a precondition of introduction of self-organization to international relations theory.
  • 江戸 淳子
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 144-163,L18
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    According to the Late Nobuya Banba, any actors—whether individuals, social groups, regions, states, or trans-national organizations, seeking their own identities—relate to each other multi-dimensionally, communicate, unite, conflict or separate and thus create the dynamism of structural changes.
    Based on this assumption, the paper, taking the Bougainville crisis as a case study, discusses identity pursuits as seen in Papua New Guinea. On Bougainville Island, a compensation claim made by customary landowners against the Australian copper mining company in 1987 later developed into a secession movement. From this process, what we can observe, on one hand, is the ethnic integration of this island, which is fragmented into small socio-political units based on traditional landowners' communities and on the other, social disintegration of these communities.
    We presume that these integrational and disintegrational movements actually resulted from such identity pursuits as (1) the identity of a nation sought by the people of Bouganiville under the increasing awareness as an ethnic group, and (2) that of the landowners sought by those who are politically aware of their land rights.
    We also presuppose, however, these contradictory results, integration and disintegration, can be attributed to such characters of identity itself as composed of the twofold elements of the self/other and destined to pursue autonomy or sovereignty as its proposition.
    Therefore, in this paper, we first discuss and define what identity is. Then, after summarizing the history of the Bougainville crisis, we analyze two opposite views on the crisis. Thirdly, based on the analysis, we discuss the identity pursuit as a nation of Bougainville and that of landowners of the traditional communities.
  • 君塚 直隆
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 164-178,L19
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    After the Napoleonic War, Great Britain was a balancer of the Concert of Europe under the Vienna Settlement. However, this settlement had deteriorated, between the 1830s and the 1860s, until the German Empire of Bismarck created a new order in the European balance of power from the 1870s. While the Vienna Settlement was being preserved, the main British actor in European international relations was the third Viscount Palmerston, who was Foreigh Secretary 1830-34, 35-41, 46-51 and also Prime Minister 1855-58, 59-65 in Britain. He exaggerated his ‘gunboat diplomacy’ to maintain the British interest of free trade all over the world until the 1850s. In spite of his ambition to control the Concert of Europe in the 1860s Palmerston had to abandon a strong line of foreign policy in his last years, and Britain was obliged to adopt a passive, non-intervention posture towards continental affairs for a while. Various theory have been designed to elucidate the reason of British non-intervention diplomacy of the 1860s: the decline of British hegemony in the world, cautious opinions of the Queen and people, cautious diplomacy of Palmerston, himself, and his suspicion toward the French Emperor, Napoleon III. In addition to these arguments, we must investigate the political position of Lord Palmerston withih party politics in the age of his second ministry, 1859-65, to understand British isolationist diplomacy, which was the most interesting contrast with her former policy of the 1830s or 1840s.
    In fact, Lord Palmerston had to survive in the extremely difficult and unstable world of British party politics of the early 1860s. The Liberal Party was founded just before the formation of his second administration and consisted of not only the Whigs, his own group, but also the Peelites and the Radicals who had opposed Palmerston's gunboat diplomacy for a long time since the 1840s. In order to regulate the conflict among these groups within the Liberals, the prime minister could not control the foreign decision-making without consulting his Foreign Secretary, Earl Russell, or Cabinet which included many cautious ministers, unlike his first ministry. On the other hand, Palmerston tried to restrain the parliamentary and financial reforms of the Peelites or Radicals in his party because of his conservative anti-reform principle, however, he could not stand against the reformers on his own. Therefore, he contacted the Earl of Derby, the Conservative Leader of the Opposition, to stop these radical reforms together, and Palmerston had to accept Derby's requirement of non-intervention diplomacy in exchange for Conservative cooperation.
    This article investigates the unstable situation of Lord Palmerston, who had to be well-balanced between his cautious ministers and the Conservatives when he decided foreign policy, on British party politics in the 1860s. Palmerston was required to adopt moderate non-intervention diplomacy at the time of the Italian Unification War, the American Civil War, the Polish Insurrection and the Danish-German War, even though he wished to interfere, under the strict neutrality policy of the ‘Palmerston-Derby alliance’. Even after the end of the alliance following the death of Palmerston in October 1865, British non-intervention policy was maintained by cautious leaders, like Derby or Clarendon, and Britain never intervened in continental affairs in the 1860s. It has been termed the decline of British global hegemony.
  • 遅野井 茂雄
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 179-180
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 木村 昌人
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 180-183
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 栄一
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 183-185
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大畠 英樹
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 185-188
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高瀬 幹雄
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 188-190
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 猪口 孝
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 190-192
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 藪野 祐三
    1996 年 1996 巻 111 号 p. 193
    発行日: 1996/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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