国際政治
Online ISSN : 1883-9916
Print ISSN : 0454-2215
ISSN-L : 0454-2215
2008 巻, 153 号
選択された号の論文の16件中1~16を表示しています
グローバル経済と国際政治
  • 国家と国際レジームの位相
    大矢根 聡
    2008 年 2008 巻 153 号 p. 1-14
    発行日: 2008/11/30
    公開日: 2010/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    How is international politics changing due to economic globalization? The subject for this special feature is to capture such changes in a multidimensional fashion, and find a theoretical framework for their analysis. In the process of globalization, there is an extremely complex relationship between politics and economics, and a variety of phenomena are occurring. Even the definition of globalization is not settled, and there are various competing definitions. Therefore, it is not easy to constructively discuss the relationship between the global economy and international politics.
    First of all, this paper reviews previous research on globalization, and reconfirms key topics of interest and methods of analysis. In terms of research in the field of international relations, comprehensive analysis of globalization began first in Europe, and then later, more specific hypotheses were sought out in the US. The topic of globalization is contentious, with many different hypotheses regarding many points of controversy. Even so, there is a thread of commonality running through much of the research. That is, the various studies look at changes in nations and international regimes, and attempt to specify the nature of those changes.They also try to examine social changes from that perspective. As a result, many studies suggest that globalization means “societal denationalization”, and regard “methodological nationalism” in international relations theory as a problem.
    Second, this paper reconfirms the state of the post-war international system, and the nature of its disturbances. That is, many researchers of international relations regard globalization as a problem because the postwar international system has been disturbed. The post-war international system has been based on multilateralism and international regimes as “embedded liberalism.” Globalization has been achieved because this international system has stabilized international relationships. However, as globalization progressed, social stability was shaken, and legalization in international regimes became even more necessary. Therefore the social backlash intensified, and international regime is exhibiting a tendency toward “dis-embeddedness.” The social backlash is also directed at previous multilateralism. As can be seen from the above developments, politics and economics interact in the process of globalization. Furthermore, “globalization” is thought to act as a discourse between the two. Globalization must be analyzed with a clear understanding of such relationships.
    Third, this paper classifies the various essays comprising this special feature from the perspective of the current state of nations and international regimes. A number of essays analyze the situation whereby the role of government is shrinking, while the role of corporations and NGOs is on the rise. In the process, they develop discussions different from previous work based on recent research. Also, a number of essays present new findings regarding the conditions of the regime complex and the impact of the US and developing countries with regard to international regimes in fields such as trade, development and biological resources. In the future, there will likely be even more stimulating discussions about the global economy and international politics.
  • グローバル経済と国家主権の相克の観点から
    飯田 敬輔
    2008 年 2008 巻 153 号 p. 15-29
    発行日: 2008/11/30
    公開日: 2010/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    As the economy becomes increasingly globalized and the need for international cooperation increases, nations have been coordinating their economic policies through liberal international institutions. On the other hand, economic decision making is still entrusted to sovereign nation-states. How can one reconcile these two imperatives of international cooperation and national sovereignty? According to the conventional wisdom of International Political Economy (IPE), “embedded liberalism” (international liberalism embedded in sovereign policymaking) has been an established framework for much of the postwar period; however, due to the acceleration of economic globalization in recent years, it is feared that embedded liberalism may be eroding.
    The global trading system of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) is a case in point: due to the greater need for trade liberalization and also for achieving compliance with the liberal trade rules, both of which emanate from economic globalization, the system has been greatly institutionalized or “legalized” in recent years. This in turn gives sovereign member states even less room to maneuver. Under the Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) of the WTO, the “negative consensus” rule, implying greater automaticity, is now applied to the legal proceedings of dispute settlement.Therefore, members whose policy violates GATT/WTO rules may be compelled to comply with panel recommendations, although the policy in question may enjoy widespread democratic support at home. If this is true, legalization may increase compliance, but only at the expense of national sovereignty. Is this really the case?
    By quantifying compliance under the GATT/WTO dispute settlement system in terms of the amount of elapsed time occurring since violation findings, this article analyzes the political determinants of compliance with the GATT/WTO rules. The quantitative analysis of national compliance behavior suggests the following: First, many members accused of violations by the GATT/WTO experience difficulties in meeting the tight deadlines set for rectifying their policies. Second, these delays are observed frequently when complainants are developing countries and defendants are developed countries. Third, “legalization” of the dispute settlement after the establishment of the DSU has not markedly reduced the incidence of delays in implementation of panel recommendations.
    Thus, compliance under the GATT/WTO system is related to the dictates of international politics in at least two major ways: First, compliance delays serve as a cushion for defending sovereign states; second, compliance under a legalized system is still at the mercy of power politics.
  • 知的財産権保護と医薬品アクセス
    古城 佳子
    2008 年 2008 巻 153 号 p. 30-41
    発行日: 2008/11/30
    公開日: 2010/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In an era of economically globalizing international relations, it is said that globalization transfers the location of governance from nation-states laterally to such private actors as nongovernmental organizations (NGO) and multinational firms as well as vertically to local governments and supranational organizations. However, compared to the existing studies paying much attentions to the activities of NGOs, there are not many studies which focus on the influence of firms on international politics. The purpose of this article is to clarify how the competitions among firms affect a problem of global issue by examining the case of problem of intellectual property rights and public health.
    The TRIPS agreement of 1995 was criticized by developing countries and NGOs whose concerns were on development for preventing access to medicines in developing countries, because intellectual property rights on pharmaceutical products raise the price of essential medicines in developing countries. On the other hand, developed countries and research-based advanced pharmaceutical companies insisted the importance of intellectual property rights in stimulating an invention and creation of new drugs. While most of existing literature on the topic of TRIPS and access to medicines examines the important role of NGOs in providing the norm of public health in negotiation of TRIPS agreement, this study shows why most of least developed countries implemented the TRIPS agreement despite the warning of NGOs not to implement earlier for the sake of access to medicines. In order to understand the positive attitude of least developed countries towards the TRIPS agreement, we have to examine how the constellation of pharmaceutical firms capacities in developing countries affect the implementation of TRIPS. Not only the role of research-based pharmaceutical firms but also the existence and different capacities of generic pharmaceutical companies in developing companies are important elements of state policy toward the TRIPS agreement.
    Firms are increasingly related to global issues such as environment, food supply and human rights in today's international relations. More studies focusing on firms are needed to better understand the political economy of global issues.
  • 活動家型NGOの戦略と規範の受容プロセス
    阪口 功
    2008 年 2008 巻 153 号 p. 42-57
    発行日: 2008/11/30
    公開日: 2010/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    IWC regime was originally established as an institution to manage whaling in a sustainable manner. However, due to the intensive anti-whaling campaign conducted by activist NGOs such as Greenpeace and the Friends of Earth, a moratorium on commercial whaling was adopted in 1982. Since then, it has changed to be an institution to prohibit whaling for a humanitarian reason, and six whaling countries, fearing of the U. S. sanction, with-drew from commercial whaling tamely. To the contrary, Japan, Norway and Iceland became determined to continue whaling. However, when the moratorium was adopted, they had showed rather passive reaction to the prohibition norm and had not been determined to sustain whaling. Nevertheless, the three countries began to show a strong resentment to the prohibition norm, and went on to sustain whaling firmly.
    What caused such a difference in attitude among the whaling countries? The answer exists in the strategies that the activist NGOs adopted. To stop whaling, they took full advantage of physical pressure against the three countries where whaling has either cultural or economic importance without making substantial campaign efforts to persuade their citizens. According to the theory of psychological reactance, pressure as an imposition or proscription of a specific behavior, causes resistance to persuasion, provided the freedom of the behavior is regarded as important to a certain extent. However, pressure does not always cause a reactive response. This depends on the balance between pressure and persuasion. As a persuasive argument has power to effect consent, a psychological backlash will not happen when the power to effect consent exceeds the reactance force. However, the activist NGOs, not having run a campaign zealously in the three countries, consolidated a situation that the latter exceeds the former significantly. The result is a strong backlash by the three whaling countries.
    Then, why could the anti-whaling NGOs not conduct an active campaign in the three countries? It was because they were faced with financial constraints. To change the public opinion in the three countries, it seemingly requires more resource investment. Activist NGOs, if failed in costly campaign activity, will suffer from financial problem and may be forced to restructure its business toward downsizing. Therefore they tend to decide their campaign strategies based on the cost-benefit calculation. However, if they concentrate their campaign effort on countries where the issue does not have much importance while depending fully on physical pressure against those that appear to be more resisting to their normative project, activist NGOs are doomed to function as an agent of a global fragmentation of norm and faced with a serious democratic deficit. Thus Activist NGOs are faced with a difficult dilemma whether, in constructing campaign strategies, to choose predominantly easy countries for the sake of sustaining and expanding organization, or to get bravely involved in more resisting countries however risky such a choice is.
  • 安全保障の政治経済と米国の戦略
    佐藤 丙午
    2008 年 2008 巻 153 号 p. 58-73
    発行日: 2008/11/30
    公開日: 2010/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The end of the Cold War changed the way in which each country manages their defense production. In the United States, especially, the defense budget faced deep cut and a changed pattern of defense procurement has forced defense contractors to redesign its production pattern, restructure ownership, and reconstitute industry's relationship with a government. As a result, a number of prime contractors have declined to four or five, and consolidation and civil conversion of defense industry took place. At the same time, the sophistication in civilian technologies has drew companies that possess dual-use technologies, but with little experience on defense production into the business.
    This situation has put U.S. into a serious problem. At one point, although the U.S. became a sole superpower in the post-Cold War international relations, the U.S. was confronting the fact that it was not sole producer of advanced technologies that is crucial for modern weaponry. It was not a menu of choice, but a menu of necessity for the U.S. government to seek for the most advanced weapons for their security policy. The U.S. had to rely on the external supply through purchase, joint production, R&D, and procurement. At another, a global decline of defense fund left U.S. market as most gigantic defense market in both relative and absolute terms, and subsequently allured foreign infiltration of the U.S. defense industrial market, especially the European defense conglomerates. Thus, affected by the political and economical effect of globalization on defense industry, the U.S. inevitably moved forward to promote international procurement, consolidation, and partnership.
    In terms of security policy, this effect of globalization was long equated with foreign dependence. Therefore, a policymaker may risk dependency on crucial technology to foreign supply once indigenous and home-owned defense industry should merged or become subsidiaries to/of foreign companies. On the other hand, in order to reach out for the most advanced technologies, the U.S. is obliged to adapt to the manner of globalized defense production and trade, especially with regard to dual-use technologies. Therefore, it was about how to strike a balance between risks of dependency and merits of integration into globalized economy.
    The measures in which to subscribe the globalization of defense industry has been outlined in the late 1990's by the Defense Science Board and other think tanks in Washington D.C., and have been exercised by both Clinton and Bush administration. Among the measures, the U.S. has relaxed export controls on certain product for specific destination, while tightening nonproliferation efforts through international regimes as well as domestic measures, such as introducing security clearance system and reinforcing deemed and intangible export controls. Currently, however, a promotion of globalized defense industry is facing strong opposition domestically, since there have been a notion that it is a source of a problem which causes a drainage of U.S. jobs to foreign affiliated company and losing market share. Indeed, this opposition is a typical reaction to the political economy of globalization, but cannot ignore because of its local political influence.
    Japan, too, may not be immune from globalization of defense industry, and may have to react to the situation in the near future.
  • 金融セクターと情報通信セクターの日英比較を事例に
    和田 洋典
    2008 年 2008 巻 153 号 p. 74-90
    発行日: 2008/11/30
    公開日: 2010/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    One of the most notable features over the past few decades has been the worldwide spread of American-style independent regulatory agencies. A closer look, however, indicates that the American model has become diversified through the domestic institutional context across countries and sectors. This paper examines this complex phenomenon, the global spread of American IRAs with substantial cross-national and cross-sectoral diversity. Much recent political analysis argues that the spread is due to a mechanism of policy diffusion whereby policy decisions in a given country are systematically constrained by prior choices made in other countries.
    I show in this paper that this interpretation exaggerates the extent of interdependency of decision-making among countries and ignores international structural and domestic institutional factors. To overcome these difficulties, I develop an analytical framework that considers the relationships between international structural forces such as techno-economic and ideational factors on the one hand and domestic institutional factors including national policy style and path-dependency on the other. The central argument of this paper is that the spread of IRAs can be best explained by a combination of international structural forces (techno-economic and ideational) and domestic institutions.
    I mainly proceed via a case study methodology in comparing two sectors (communications and financial services) across two countries (Britain and Japan). The two sectors are frequently treated as representative cases in the policy diffusion literature. Britain and Japan are held to represent paradigmatic cases of different ‘varieties of capitalism’. Moreover, the American IRAs, especially the Federal Communications Commission and the Securities and Exchange Commission, are frequently referred to as a model in the policy debate in both countries. Thus these cases can be examined as a crucial experiment against policy diffusion and a cross-national and cross-sectoral comparison.
    These case studies demonstrate that while ongoing convergence on the American model is due to international structural forces and their consequential uncertainty about the existing policy paradigm, national and sectoral differences with respect to the extent of regulatory changes depend largely on domestic institutions. The mechanism of policy diffusion played, at best, a minor role in these processes, except in the case of establishing Ofcom where EC's new set of directives provided the basic timescale.
  • 一九九三年から二〇〇二年の商法改正の分析
    杉之原 真子
    2008 年 2008 巻 153 号 p. 91-105
    発行日: 2008/11/30
    公開日: 2010/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Globalization has been said to limit governments' autonomy in economic policymaking. This article distinguishes two faces of globalization —globalization of finance and that of production— and shows how they actually affect economic polices, using the example of corporate governance reform in Japan.
    Existing literature on the effects of globalization stresses the impact of financial globalization and the pressure from international investors on domestic economic policies. According to conventional wisdom, governments are forced to implement neoliberal policies in order to attract footloose capital. This article finds, however, that globalization of production works differently from that of finance, strengthening the positions of corporate managers rather than investors.
    The dynamics of globalization of production played an important role in the case of corporate governance reform in Japan between 1993 and 2002. Globalization of finance leads to “monitoring enhancing amendments” of corporate governance laws, which strengthen outside monitoring of management, to realize the interests of shareholders. Globalization of production promotes “flexibility enhancing amendments” to give greater flexibility to companies in choosing corporate structure and deal mechanics, as well as more autonomy from shareholders at least in the short run. In the Japanese cases, corporate governance reform was mainly promoted by the top business organization, Keidanren, and, as such, placed emphasis on “flexibility enhancing amendments.” The concern for international competitiveness in globalizing markets drove business leaders to demand policies that would allow greater flexibility in management, such as the introduction of stock option system, and measures to facilitate corporate spin-offs and to enable retention of treasury stock. The Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI, renamed into the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry in 2001) shared the concern for competitiveness of Japanese companies and worked in collaboration with the business community to implement such reforms. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was another important player to promote such measures. Among those reforms, the most controversial ones were initiated by LDP politicians, not by the government, in the legislative process.
    On the other hand, some important measures of “monitoring enhancing amendments” were also introduced. The Commercial Code revision of 1993 strengthened auditors' power and facilitated stockholder derivative lawsuits. The Commercial Code revision of 2002 enabled large corporations to adopt a US-style system of corporate governance, which uses three committees that include outside directors to make important business decisions. Those reforms were driven mainly by ideational motivations rather than direct pressure from international capital markets. The Ministry of Justice and its Legislative Reform Council, mostly composed of law scholars, took initiative to realize this type of reforms.
  • WTOと国際基準設定機関の関係から
    内記 香子
    2008 年 2008 巻 153 号 p. 106-121
    発行日: 2008/11/30
    公開日: 2010/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The “trade and the environment” issue has been hotly debated in the era of globalization. The links and conflicts between trade and environmental regimes are a consequence of the “legalization” of the world—the rising density of regimes and institutions in the international society. The purpose of this article is to develop a theoretical and analytical insight into explaining the “trade and the environment” issue, based on the study of “regime interactions.”
    Various scholarly approaches have been provided for explaining overlapping international regimes. From the international law perspective, it has been viewed as a phenomenon of the “fragmentation of international law.” International legal scholars have been interested in the legal techniques dealing with conflicts between norms and rules. The “trade and the environment” issue had been largely dominated by such legal arguments. One the other hand, political scientists have begun to address overlapping international regimes from the view of “regime interactions” (or “institutional interplay”) —how activities in one regime affect another regime. Regime theory has been focused on the causes and effects of changes in a single regime. “Regime interactions,” on the other hand, address the interplay among two or more regimes which may influence a regime's decision-making or a state behavior.
    This article applies the concept of “regime interactions” to the case of the WTO's Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (the “SPS Agreement”) and international health and safety standard-setting bodies (such as Codex Alimentarius Commission). On the one hand, the international bodies outside the WTO regime promulgate food safety, animal health, and phytosanitary standards with no binding force. On the other hand, the WTO SPS Agreement requires member states to base their measures on international standards, but member states can adopt stricter national regulations under certain conditions. Such domestic regulations have been considered part of the “trade and the environment” issues, since the domestic regulation can operate as either a measure for the protection of health and safety or unnecessary trade barriers.
    A case study in this article focuses upon the interplay between the WTO's SPS regime and the Codex. The main lesson from this case is that “regime interactions” may generate legitimacy or accountability issues among regimes. While international standards adopted by the Codex inevitably influence the arguments and disputes in the WTO, the WTO in turn has begun to require the Codex to provide sufficient legitimacy in the standard-setting processes. There is no hierarchical order between the WTO and international standard-setting bodies; however, the interactions between these institutions initiated the changes in the Codex to be more responsible for its standard-setting processes. The mode of interactions in this case has posed a normative question of which forms of governance arrangements are desirable in health and safety problems in the non-hierarchical world.
  • レジーム競合・調整の動因としてのアメリカ
    小川 裕子
    2008 年 2008 巻 153 号 p. 122-139
    発行日: 2008/11/30
    公開日: 2010/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In recent years, the rapid advance of globalization has increased the importance of the control of globalization and the management of problems caused by globalization. Because any single state cannot solve these issues, we have increasingly recognized the importance of “global governance,” i. e., a centralized governance system in which actors cooperate in solving problems in international society. The current world governance system is, however, very decentralized and characterized as “regime complex,” in which multiple regimes proliferate, overlap, and conflict with each other. This makes it difficult for the international society to effectively manage the problems associated with globalization. Further, a regime complex will not necessarily evolve into global governance, even if regimes proliferate and network with each other to cover all the issue areas. Therefore, it will provide an insight into the future of the present decentralized governance system to investigate the relationships and the interactions between international regimes which constitute the current regime complex.
    This article empirically examines the process and mechanism of the proliferation of international regimes in the issue area of development, which is viewed by many as a representative example of a regime complex. Specifically, this article analyzes the influence of the U. S. foreign assistance policy on the dynamics of two major regimes-the World Bank and the United Nations-in the issue area of development. Among many factors, the U. S. foreign assistance policy and the attitude of the U. S. Congress toward foreign assistance policy had a dominant influence on the direction and scope of the activity of these two regimes. Therefore, examining the U. S. foreign assistance policy and its influence sheds a new light on the dynamics and interactions of two regimes.
    The first section describes the emergence of two “quasi-regimes” after the World War II, when the Allies did not consider development assistance as policy agenda. The second section examines how the U. S. induced these two “quasi-regimes” to compete with each other as norm entrepreneurs in the late 1960's. The third section explores how the accumulated evidence from case studies of development discouraged these two “quasi-regimes” from competing, how the proliferation of norms and the competition between regimes stagnated after the end of the Cold War, and how regimes started to coordinate with each other. The concluding section provides the following three implications; first, the competition of international regimes may help the development of the governance function and structure in the whole issue area; second, the interaction between international regimes may create new governing rules; third, the U. S. still has influence on the dynamics of international regimes.
  • 生物遺伝資源へのアクセスと利益配分をめぐって
    都留 康子
    2008 年 2008 巻 153 号 p. 140-156
    発行日: 2008/11/30
    公開日: 2010/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Numerous international regimes have been constructed in the past few decades, and we can therefore say that institutionalization of this world has increased. This should be good news; however, these regimes do not exist in isolation, and often influence, or interact with, each other. When this mutual influence or interaction supports the realization of the purpose of the affected institution, we may call it “synergy”; when it undermines or disrupts its effectiveness, it is called a “conflict”.
    Usually, the implementation of rules of Access and Benefit Sharing (ABS) with regard to genetic resources, is a typical case of institutional conflict among mainly CBD, TRIPS, and complementally FAO and WIPO. ABS is one of three purposed of CBD itself, and the introduction of this system in CBD has been appraised for developing countries.
    Firstly, this paper retroacts the negotiation process of CBD and TRIPS, and argues that developed and developing countries recognize genetic resources and biotechnology from different points of view as for their intellectual property rights and therefore have conflicts embedded in their respective regimes. Secondly, this paper shows the dynamism of the institutional interaction at the time of specification of the ABS rule.
    Developed countries have continuously taken resources from developing countries; this disparity structure has remained unchanged for a considerable time. Genetic resources are no exception. Developing countries often hold genetic resources, which they do not have the knowledge or ability to exploit; instead developed countries, which utilize superior technology and capital, have exploited these resources by obtaining patent rights, thereby restricting any future use of such a resource. The developing country which is host to the genetic resource then fails to receive any fair compensation or payment by the developed country. ABS is the first tool which can enable a developing country to free itself from this structure and gain recovery.
    Now, the main issue is how to stipulate and implement the details of ABS. Here, developing countries make use of institutional interaction as an opportunity for advantageous ‘forum shopping’ for purposive policy development. Using conflicts of regimes as negotiation space can thus be fruitful for them, for it is otherwise impossible to fully realize their purpose within each regime.
  • 世界社会フォーラムの事例
    山田 敦
    2008 年 2008 巻 153 号 p. 157-174
    発行日: 2008/11/30
    公開日: 2010/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    As the “Battle of Seattle” in 1999 and the later events show, today's anti-globalization movements are not only trans-national but also trans-issue, trans-gender, trans-generation, trans-ideology and trans-culture in nature. This essay tries to explain how and why the movements continue to expand while maintaining the association of such a diverse group of actors like environmentalists, labor unions, human rights activists, students, feminists, farmers, and consumer groups.
    Section One is a conceptual analysis of anti-globalization. Since anti-globalization encompasses variety of meanings that are often vague and/or contradictory, conceptual clarification is a necessary first step for any empirical analyses. The conceptual analysis of anti-globalization requires to specify 1) who are, 2) against what, 3) for what reasons, 4) by which means and 5) to what degree. It is also necessary to conceptually distinguish anti-globalization and anti-globalism, because some actors can be, and actually are, anti-globalization but pro-globalism.
    Section Two is the case study of one of the most widely recognized anti-globalization movements, the World Social Forum. The WSF started in 2001 to challenge the World Economic Forum (known as the Davos meeting). While the WEF is a gathering of pro-globalization leaders of states, business and academics in the North, the WSF is a forum of anti-globalization citizens from all over the world who meet once a year in the South, e.g., Brazil, India and Kenya. The WSF is so diverse in all of the five elements specified in the conceptual analysis that the agendas and interests of its participants are not always in harmony. But they all support the idea, as proclaimed in the WSF Charter of Principles, that “Another World is Possible” if they can replace the neo-liberal globalization with their “alter-globalization.”
    Section Three discusses the result of the case study. The WSF could grow as “the network of networks” by enhancing three linkages among participants. The first is issue linkages; the WSF participants could find some common agendas that connect two or more different issue areas, e.g., the environment, labor, human rights, gender, agriculture and fair trade. The second is the global-local linkages; the WSF could form a “glocal” network by combining numerous local anti-globalization movements at the global level. The third is psychological linkages; the WSF could enhance the “we” feeling among participants by providing them with once-a-year big events of marching and discussions. The WSF does have some weaknesses and dilemmas, but those shortcomings are to be addressed by not only the anti-globalization groups but also the international society as a whole.
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