The Westphalian norms of state sovereignty, sovereign equality, and noninterfbrence are under great pressure for change. To improve the normativity of the international system, significant empowerment has taken place within international human rights law, humanitarian law, and liberal economic law, each of which seeks to remedy moral and distributive injustice associated with the Westphalian system. However, the transformation to a post-Westphalian liberal norm system is incomplete at best: many states still give priority to state sovereignty over human rights, cultural relativism over universalism, and protectionism over liberalism to justify their nationalistic behavior. As a consequence, the current system remains confusingly complex and pluralistic, containing both Westphalian and post-Westphalian elements.
In general, norm change is explainable by three principles of human behavior: the logic of appropriateness holds that norm change emerges along with change of social facts defined intersubjectively by states' political elites; the logic of consequences focuses on the coordinating function of norms in promoting states' joint interests; and the logic of coercion emphasizes the endogeneity of norms to international power structures. These principles constitute analytical cores of major international relations theories, including social constructivism, rational institutionalism, and political realism, respectively.
Yet, scholars disagree on the current status of international norms and hold varying opinions on causes and consequences of norm change. Having outlined basic concepts and theoretical frameworks for analysis, this essay suggests that, unless carefully executed, analyses of norm change may suffer from methodological problems of underdetermination, selection bias, and fallacious attribution. Given the imperfect nature of theory and human society, researchers need to focus on the relative rather than absolute validity of competing theories, by finding the conditions under which theories are descriptively superior to their alternatives. The essay concludes by stressing the imperative to bridge theoretical divides to improve our understanding of contemporary global politics that has been undergoing major normative transformations.

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Multi-agent simulation (MAS), or agent-based simulation, is very powerful in representing and analyzing system's emergent properties based on interactions among agents. The emergence of social order or norms based on interactions among nations has been one of the central subjects of International Relations (IR). Mutual compatibility being taken into account, MAS could have been applied to IR more extensively. In reality, technical difficulties and excessive abstraction have been most formidable obstacles for the application of MAS. Aiming at a wider use of MAS in IR, we developed a user-friendly simulator, and have built various types of models, from the crisis decision-making to the balance of power, with lesser abstraction and more substantial attributes that represent characteristics of international society.
In this paper, we focus on the spread of an international norm in the manner of cascade on the tipping point, which constructivists of IR such as Finnemore and Sikkink (1998) tried to understand. To date, discussions on this subject have been very suggestive, but far from conclusive. In order to give a theoretical account for norm emergence and cascade, we construct the Norm Emergence Model (NEM). NEM is the combination of the threshold model originally developed by Granovetter (1978) with the persuasion mechanism suggested by Risse (2000) and other constructivists, so that NEM can generate cascades of norm emergence based on dynamic multi-agent interactions that affect the threshold of individual agents.
The case we analyze by NEM is the spread of anti-colonialism that affected the membership of intemational society in the mid 20th century, probably the most fundamental norm-change in international society as Philpott (2001) and others argue. One of the most illustrative events must be the United Nations Declaration of Granting Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in 1960. Within less than a generation, the norm of trusteeship was completely replaced by the norm of unconditional independence.
NEM represents virtual international society that sharply split over whether to accept the colonial rules as trusteeship or reject them unconditionally, with the initial condition (agents as UN members, their thresholds and their positions) that more or less reflects the reality at the end of the 1940s at the United Nations. The simulation begins with the year 1950, and finishes in 1969, during which each agent decides which position it should take, and persuades other members aiming at gaining more support of its position. New agents join in the same manner as the reality.
The result of MAS depends on the setting of parameters, and we show results based on four scenarios. Scenario 1 makes persuasion impossible, which means only the entry of new members affects norm emergence. The cascade did not take place. Although ex-colonial countries increase in number, their positions were not as radical as socialist countries. Scenario 2 allows persuasion. Norm change did not happen either. For, socialist countries are persuaded, and change their position so as to accept trusteeship. Scenario 3 allows persuasion, but only anti-colonial norm is influential; trusteeship lost legitimacy. Now, the cascade happens in the mid 1950s with much more sudden pace than the reality. In addition to the setting of Scenario 3, Scenario 4 limits the range of successful persuasion so that agents are affected only when the distance of thresholds is close enough. The cascade takes place in the late 1950s that looks like the reality. Thus, the specific type of interactions and the entry of new members turn out to generate a norm cascade, sometimes after the confrontation for a few years, which seems to reproduce what happened in the arena of the United Nations.
NEM is a very simple model, but can reproduce a cascade of international norm from trusteeship to unconditional independence to a successful degree. ...

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Treaty (Ottawa Treaty) in 1997 was a culmination of the transnational civil movements against landmines, which encouraged the change from the status quo (no regulation) to a drastic state (total ban). This case is alleged to show the power of transnational civil movements, providing a strong case for constructivists: Constructivists claim that the advocated norms against anti-personal landmines changed the preferences and behaviors of the states which had initially been unwilling to the establishment of the treaty, A major setback of this constructivist claim is that it is unverifiable, since the source of the change is attributed to unobservable variables like norms. This research offers an alternative, rationalist explanation for the radical change, examining observable, external constraints the states face.
Its main finding is that the change of attitudes that led to a regulatory regime (treaty) is better explained by the rules of procedure employed in the treaty negotiation than the diffusion of norms.
Applying the “agenda-setter model” in game theory, this research explores the validity of the above thesis under rationalist assumptions. Examination of each possible contingencies enables us to find a set of parameters that leads to a radical departure from the status quo, such as the one observed in the Ottawa process.

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The decade since the mid 1990's has seen emerging global challenges to tackle weapons of mass destruction (WMD) proliferation following a series of incidents concerning such proliferation and its means of delivery Moreover, the terrorist attack of 9.11 has proved that an asymmetrical threat of an attack by the non-state actor needs to be contended immediately. Therefore, a prompt response to norm building becomes an issue of urgency to the international community.
To meet such problem, some of the permanent members of the UN Security Council have took initiative to adapt the UNSCR1540, which calls upon every members of the United Nations to prioritize and systematize its national legal frameworks for curtailing proliferation against the non-state actor. Furthermore, UNSCR1540 is empowered under the chapter 7 of the Charter of the UN. National implementation of the resolution is a subject of assessment for the “UN 1540 Committee” consisting of the members of the Security Council. That means, every UN members now must comply with the legal obligation to follow the ‘code of conducts’ under the resolution. The merit of such approach is that it is prompt to fill the gaps of the international law On the other hand, allowing the UN Security Council to establish binding legal framework brought on active debates over its pros and cons.
The study focuses on such coerciveness and intrusiveness of the UNSCR1540 to examine its theoretical perspective, which is different from realism based on anarchy of international system, liberal institutionalism, or governance theories.
It argues the advantages and disadvantages of the UN Security Council's establishment of the international norm through the process of norm building inside the UN Security Council, norm adaptation among the UN member states and unique governance mechanism of the “UNSCR1540 Regime.” Then it concludes that the norm building by the limited number of great powers bypassing treaty negotiation makes the regime somewhat irregular and that such should be unorthodox and extraordinary.

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This study investigates the people's attitudes on the international intervention into the conflicts, through statistical analyses of “People on War,” Project. The project collected citizens' voices from 12 conflict zones through the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), for the 50th anniversary of the Geneva Conventions in 1999. Most of the existing studies on international intervention discussed its legitimacy accompanied by vast human sacrifices, or the political processes where the decisions for interventions took place in various international organizations. This study, in contrast, examined the attitudes of ordinary citizens from the conflict zones on the international community.
The article has analyzed how the different styles of the interventions of the international community had influenced the respondents'attitudes on the international community. It demonstrated that many respondents in the conflict zones hoped for further intervention into the conflicts, especially in Lebanon. Moreover, those who relied on the United Nations or its peacekeeping activities in preventing mistreatments tended to agree on more interventions in all of the three cases. The coefficients of ethnicity variables did not show any statistical significance in Bosnia-Herzegovina, where the UN activities had been accompanied by enforcement measures. On the other hand, those of the religious variables demonstrated solidly favorable attitudes toward the international interventions in Lebanon, where the UN activities were limited in the traditional roles.
While the conventional wisdom of institutionalism revealed that the international community had transformed the beliefs of political elites in the newly democratized countries, this study attempted to demonstrate that the international community had been able to influence the consciousness of the ordinary citizens in the conflict zones. By discrediting the traditional institutionalism, this paper has revealed that the consciousness of sovereignty had been a social construct, through the analyses of the empirical data of the social surveys, and has related to the respondents'perceptions of legitimacy toward the policies and behaviors of the international community.

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This study explores the meaning of human security from feminist perspectives. It considers the process by which international norms concerning gender equality and women's empowerment have been developed and implemented within the context of security issues. I argue that feminist discourse has improved our understanding of how gender equality and women's rights can be conceptualized and achieved in the framework of security. I employ a feminist rights-based approach in order to better explain the international efforts in building as well as strengthening normative legal frameworks better suited for the pursuit of human security for women, thereby adding the legal substance to the existing ethical and political arguments surrounding women's human security This rights-based approach also helps to better understand the important roles that international organizations play in such efforts particularly in the context of the United Nations, because it focuses on legal rights, the rule of law, and treaty-based solutions to human security. I test my argument by exploring the case of the United Nations Development Fund (UNIFEM). In particular, I examine; 1) UNIFEM's campaign toward the adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action in 1995 and the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in 2000 and; 2) UNIFEM's involvement in peacekeeping and peacebuilding activities in East Timor (1999-2005) where the norms and principles of SCR 1325 were applied.
My empirical findings suggest that the pursuit of human security for women should be understood as an enhancement of gender equality and women's rights. Moreover, it suggests that women's security must be understood as a continuum of violence ranging from the domestic sphere to that of international conflict. This explains why international efforts have been increasingly directed toward building and strengthening normative legal frameworks aimed at eliminating gender-based violence as part of conflict resolution and sustainable peacebuilding. The case study suggests that as a rights-based approach indicates, international organizations, i. e. UNIFEM in my analysis, played a crucial role in both generating as well as applying the norms concerning gender equality and women's rights in the context of human security. While the mission of UNIFEM originated in the promotion of gender equality within the area of development, more recently the agency has extended its sphere of influence and activities to security. Also, UNIFEM plays a significant role in the application of the norms and principles of SRC 1325 in East Timor, including the area of electoral assistance with a focus on promoting women's political participation. Such assistance only became possible with coordination between the Gender Affairs Units within UNTAET and UNMISET and the network of women's groups in East Timor.

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This paper analyzes political connections using a method based on network theory. Recent developments in network theory, which have been accelerated by advances in computers and data collection, can be applied to various research areas including physics, information society studies, sociology and other social sciences.
This paper uses network theory to analyze networks among U.S. senators who submitted bills related to Japan in the 109th Congress, focusing on cosponsorship of bills. Senators sometimes submit bills with other senators to make them more prospective, to gain more attentions, or just to deal with political bargains. This paper assumes that senators who co-submit bills more often have tighter connections and organize wider networks. Although it is difficult for an outsider to know who has what kinds of connections with whom in politics, it is easier to track who acted with whom in co-sponsoring bills in Congress.
The results of the analysis show that Japan-related bills were led by influential leaders in the senate such as Barack Obama, Joe Biden, Hillary Clinton and Joseph Lieberman, who played important roles in the 2008 Presidential election. They were active in submitting and co-sponsoring bills and had higher scores in network indexes such as degree, between centrality, and closeness centrality. This implies two possible hypotheses. First, those influential leaders themselves were interested in Japan-related issues. Second, no specific senators were interested in the issues and that is why the influential senators seemed to be leading. These hypotheses should be tested in combination with other analytical methods.
Network analysis has three advantages. First, it focuses more on relationships among actors instead of looking at the characters of individual actors. Most of conventional analysis methods look at who actors are and what they do. In contrast, network analysis focuses on who is connected to whom and how. Second, the development of network analysis and data collection could give us alternative perspectives and new results based on large amounts of data. Third, network analysis could be used not only for proving hypotheses, but also for finding new ones.
Network analysis can be applied both to case studies in international relations and to enriching the theories of international relations. Actors in international relations vary from nation states (or governments), multi-national or global corporations, non-profit or non-state organizations, and even to individuals. Network analysis tells how they are connected and how they are interacting. It should reveal more dynamic relations rather than stable structures.

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In our global age, nation-states face a dilemma between promotion of flow by connecting to world economy for their prosperity and cautious and strict management of moving people for their security. In response to this issue, each county utilizes the combination of passports and visas which have a complex function to regulate or accelerate the movement of people.
In the first half of this paper, I examine the complex functions that passports and visas have. Regarding the acceleration and regulation of people in moving, a number of countries have moved on to the standardization of biometric travel documents such as e-passports through the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) to solve the contradiction. This standardization can be achieved by the power and technologies of the neoliberal security industry. On the other hand, some countries use different criteria for different countries to regulate the flow of people from each country. For example, every other national who belong to states which have ratified the Schengen Acquis is not even required a passport. For nationals of some countries, such as U. S., Japan, Australia, Canada and many countries in Latin America, only passport is required. Nationals of other countries, in the Middle East and Africa, are required both passport and visa. Also, passengers in airports contribute to reproduce the World Order by adjusting themselves to complex rules of passport, visa and airport. These techniques can be regarded as governance tools. We then also grasp such arrangements as States, Regional Organization (EU), ICAO, the Security Industry, Airports, and Passengers through Michel Foucault's concept of “Governmentality.” I focus on the word of “Global Interoperability” in the document of ICAO to observe the management of bodies or “Global Bare Life.”
In the second half of the paper, I shed light on those who go beyond the south boundaries of Schengen from the African continent to investigate how the containment of people works. Some of them attempted to reach the Canary Islands of Spain, to get into EU space, in many cases on vulnerable ships, because of the closure of Ceuta and Melilla. They were obviously illegal immigrants from the start. Due to the strict regulation policies of EU and expensive tickets and visas, it is extremely difficult to be legal immigrant from some countries in Africa. That is why they dump all of their ID cards, such as driver's licenses and passports; otherwise they will be surely deported to their original country. There is a huge gap between a “valuable” passport and “valueless” one. Considering the reasons why they go beyond the African continent, I try to find their incentives into face-to-face communication and the “spectacle” of Europe. Such information ignites their desire to move. To prevent their migration, FRONTEX of EU and satellites search from the sea, sky and space. We thus have to consider the vertical geopolitics of surveillance and multi-level governance of population.
Finally, I ensure the strengthening the multi-layered system of management of population within the world order, whereas I set eight areas in terms of passports and visas which should be probed in the future.

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