国際政治
Online ISSN : 1883-9916
Print ISSN : 0454-2215
ISSN-L : 0454-2215
2018 巻, 193 号
選択された号の論文の14件中1~14を表示しています
歴史のなかの平和的国際機構
  • 篠原 初枝
    2018 年 2018 巻 193 号 p. 193_1-193_11
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    One of the most salient and distinctive features in history of international relations is the increasing number of International Organizations such as Inter-governmental Organizations (IGO) and International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGO or NGO). In contrast to their rising numbers and importance in the actual management of inter-state affairs, the history of International Organizations has not been fully developed as an academic field. This could be in part ascribed to the view that the League of Nations failed to prevent the outbreak of World War II, or to the negative view of the United Nations being dominated by great powers.

    Engaging in historical exploration and examination of the organizations, we can deepen our understanding not only of the organizations themselves, but also of the essential and transforming nature of international relations as a whole. Historical works can deeply delve into the particular issues that IGOs and NGOs faced and dealt with. For instance, during the League period, several forms of cooperation in technical affairs such as public health developed, and most of them were carried over into the UN. Additionally, exploration of the aims and activities of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) can illustrate the fact that their activities faced difficulties in some countries.

    In addition to in-depth analysis of each organization, historical works can provide answers to big questions concerning international organizations and affairs, because history is endowed and privileged with a special mission and competency to present a long-term and broad overview. Why were those organizations established, why do states and civil society create organizations, and if and how has the nature of international society changed? Historical examination of organizations can aptly give us a clue to these questions. If such academic endeavor can draw a broad picture of transformation in international society, we can further consider if, thanks to those organizations, we have become better off and more civilized in the conduct of international affairs.

    In this special issue, the concrete subjects of analysis are IGOs and NGOs. One can define their essential nature as concrete entities and bodies which have their own headquarters, and enjoy a degree of autonomy and neutrality. Even though the UN has been criticized for the dominance of great powers, one cannot completely deny the existence of numerous exemplary UN programs that stand as examples of autonomy. With the increase of their numbers and widening the range of their activities, it is not too much to say that international organizations have firmly established their positions in world affairs and that they have become indispensable actors in building a peaceful international order.

  • ―国家主権・世論・平和的変革―
    秦野 貴光
    2018 年 2018 巻 193 号 p. 193_12-193_28
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article examines Lord Robert Cecil’s views on the League of Nations, with a focus on his thinking about state sovereignty, international public opinion and ‘peaceful change’, an idea devised during the interwar period to provide elasticity to the practice of collective security. Along with President Wilson, Cecil played a key role in the drafting of the Covenant of the League in his capacity as one of the British representatives on the League of Nations Commission set up as part of the Paris Peace Conference. The present article shows how and to what extent the League’s structures and powers were informed by Cecil’s thinking about the role of international organisations designed for the maintenance of international peace. In particular, it takes a close look at Cecil’s attempt to codify the idea of peaceful change in the Covenant, for it not only shaped the League and its Covenant, but also informed and set the stage for the ‘First Great Debate’ in IR.

    The first section traces how Cecil came to be involved in the establishment of the League during and in the wake of the First World War. The second section then moves on to examine Cecil’s conception of the League in relation to state sovereignty, showing that he did not think of the League as constituting interference with the principle of state sovereignty, and explaining how the Covenant ensured that the sovereignty of the League membership would not be curtailed by the proper working of the League. The third section considers why Cecil held that the League, based on the principle of state sovereignty, could still effectively guide the behaviour of sovereign states in practice, focusing on the expectations he put on the role international public opinion could play as an agency of law enforcement. Cecil’s thinking about the League was based on the assumption, true or false, that the negative impacts that state sovereignty might have on the working of the League could be alleviated by the agency of international public opinion. The fourth section shows that the same assumption ran through his thinking on peaceful revision or what later came to be called ‘peaceful change’. The section traces the process by which this idea was codified in the Covenant through Cecil’s effort, and demonstrates that the effectiveness of the League’s machinery for peaceful change also heavily depended on the agency of international public opinion. The final section discusses how the First Great Debate sprang from the problems posed by the weakness of the League’s machinery for peaceful change and by Cecil’s views underpinning it, establishing that Cecil’s views on peaceful change are of importance in understanding the development of early IR theory.

  • ―中村嘉寿の活動を中心に―
    伊東 かおり
    2018 年 2018 巻 193 号 p. 192_29-192_43
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    The Inter-parliamentary Union (IPU), founded in 1889 during the 19th Century anti-war pacific movement and still active today, has been an international institution at the center of diplomacy between parliamentarians from many countries. Since its founding, the IPU has been active in promoting parliamentarianism, and also worked to solve prewar crises such as demilitarization, racial equality, decolonization, and a system for international arbitration. Japan, having joined the IPU in 1908, has over 100 years of history with the organization. However, due to the IPU’s lack of binding political power, it has often been placed outside of the study of International Political History, and there has been little research undertaken on the subject.

    This article uses archival materials held by the IPU at its offices in Geneva, and places the organization in the context of the interwar internationalism movement, in order to study its relationship to Japan at this time. Until the First World War, the IPU was an organization that was conducted in the “salon” style of traditional diplomacy. However, after the First World War, with the creation of new countries in Eastern Europe, as well as the presence of newly joined countries from South America and so on, the IPU transformed into a truly international organization.

    Looking at the members of the Japanese delegation of parliamentarians, such as Aikitsu Tanakadate, Jigorō Kanō, and Kaju Nakamura, we can see how they used the IPU to address international issues, as well as including international questions into their own policies. This article looks at the example of Nakamura in particular, due to the ways in which his relationship with the IPU sheds light on the changing role and needs of parliamentarians during the increasingly international interwar period.

    Unlike Germany and Italy, whose relationship with the IPU ceased with the end of their parliamentary system, Japan’s relationship with the IPU continued until 1939, when the outbreak of war caused a halt to the institution’s activities. Looking at the crisis of parliamentarianism, issues over mandate territories, and other examples, this article studies the relationship between the IPU and League of Nations and with the Imperial Diet, and describes the state of the interwar system of international cooperation, from the perspective of “parliamentary politics”.

  • ―機能的協力、国際機構の併存、世界大恐慌―
    山越 裕太
    2018 年 2018 巻 193 号 p. 192_44-192_59
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article analyzes how the League of Nations Health Organization (LNHO) constructed health governance.

    Regarding the globalizing world, health governance was primarily discussed after the Cold War and it was clarified that functional cooperation was one of its foundations. However, previous studies have not completely verified how functional cooperation evolved into health governance. Therefore, this article examines the interwar period according to the following questions: what is the significance of the co-existence of the LNHO and the Office International d’Hygiène Publique (OIHP) in establishing health governance; why did the field of health expand from addressing infectious diseases to various spheres; and how did the LNHO contend with the Great Depression.

    The first section of the article examines how functional cooperation in the field of health was established and why two international health organizations co-existed during the interwar period. The second section analyzes the driving force of the LNHO in seeking health governance. The third section examines how the LNHO constructed health governance through the Great Depression.

    The article concludes that the construction of health governance did not progress as effortlessly and linearly as reported in previous discussions. Although it certainly developed based on functional cooperation, during the process of the LNHO expanding its activities to various spheres, the states resisted, concerned about the erosion of sovereignty. However, these resistances were overcome by the logic of functional cooperation that promotes cooperation to the extent that can be agreed. For example, the spheres of standardization, interaction between experts, and medical statistics. Conversely, this process had exogenous opportunities. The LNHO was established under the influence of American foreign policy. Its activities were gradually incorporated because of the co-existence of the two international health organizations. The Great Depression—the turning point—served as an opportunity to reconsider the construction of health governance. It gradually became clear that recovery would be difficult by merely continuing LNHO’s activities as usual. Thus, observing the Great Depression’s widespread effect on economy and agriculture, the LNHO expanded its activities to cooperate with organizations in related fields in order to take unified action. The LNHO was no longer limited to anti-disease measures but was required to resolve new issues that had not been considered traditionally.

    This development was not caused by the extension of functional cooperation. The process from functional cooperation to health governance was characterized by flexibility and robustness. Therefore, health governance was constructed in the interwar period after several complicated circumstances.

  • ―国際連盟知的協力国際委員会における理念変容―
    齋川 貴嗣
    2018 年 2018 巻 193 号 p. 192_60-192_75
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article examines the ideological transformation of intellectual co-operation in the International Committee on Intellectual Co-operation (ICIC) of the League of Nations in the 1930s. Since its establishment in 1922 as a consultative body to the Council, the ICIC had carried out various projects in the name of intellectual co-operation, which were taken over by the UNESCO after the Second World War. Although growing attention has recently been paid to the ICIC as a pioneer international organization for cultural exchange, most of the historical studies have been confined to European perspectives. In this respect, this article argues that the ICIC’s idea of intellectual co-operation was fundamentally changed in association with the expansion of its activities to non-European countries, particularly China and Japan.

    When the ICIC was established in 1922, the work of intellectual co-operation was regarded as a transnational enterprise that should be based on the universality of Western civilization and undertaken by individual intellectuals. However, the original idea gradually transformed. This is shown in the two notable projects that the ICIC had enthusiastically undertaken in the 1930s: the Mission of Educational Experts to China and the Japanese Collection. The Mission of Educational Experts to China in 1931 was the ICIC’s first experience to assist a particular government, and in cooperation with the Chinese government it facilitated the reorganization of the Chinese educational system with considerable emphasis on the construction and preservation of Chinese national culture. In the project of the Japanese Collection that started in 1935, on the other hand, the ICIC introduced Japanese culture in the West with the assistance of the Japanese government. Through these projects, the ICIC became aware that intellectual co-operation should be based on the idea of particular national cultures and implemented by governments.

    As a result, the ICIC formed and presented its two-faced self-image in the 1930s. Firstly, the ICIC was envisaged by intellectuals like Paul Valéry as the ‘League of Minds’ that placed high hopes on the capacity of Western civilization to integrate different nations in the world from a universal point of view. The ‘League of Minds’ was conceptualized in terms of the idea of universal Western civilization as an extension and sophistication of the idea of intellectual co-operation that the ICIC had maintained since the early 1920s. On the other hand, the ICIC crafted another self-image, the ‘League of Cultures’ that Rabindranath Tagore envisioned as an ideal form of intellectual co-operation. While emphasizing not the universality of Western civilization but the individuality and particularity of national culture, Tagore argued that the ICIC should be an organization composed of different national cultures. In this way, the ICIC was fraught with the tension between these two opposing perspectives on intellectual co-operation in the 1930s.

    The ICIC thus shifted its emphasis in the idea of intellectual co-operation from Western civilization to national cultures as well as from individual intellectuals to governments in the 1930s. This shift can be characterized as the ideological transition from intellectual co-operation to international cultural exchange. Nevertheless, the antinomies that the ICIC embraced, the tensions between the university of Western civilization and the particularity of national cultures as well as between individual intellectuals and governments, have also been taken over by the present UNESCO.

  • ―国際連盟改革論の位相―
    帶谷 俊輔
    2018 年 2018 巻 193 号 p. 193_76-193_91
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article addresses debates about “Reform” of the League of Nations from the viewpoint of Britain and China. “Reform” of the League was one of the contentious issues among the statesman, diplomats and intellectuals in the 1930s. They focused on the pros and cons of collective security and Article 16 of the Covenant of the League of Nations because the “failure” of the League to stop Japanese invasion of Manchuria and Italian invasion of Abyssinia threatened the collapse of the League. There were two major opinions in the debate, “the Coercive League” and “the Consultative League”. “The Coercive League” was the course to reinforce collective security to prevent further aggression. Conversely, “the Consultative League” argument was to weaken collective security and induce Germany, Italy, and Japan to cooperate with the League. Deliberations took place in both the Council, which was led by Great Powers, and the Assembly, in which Small Powers could have greater influence. Therefore, this article deals with Britain as an example of a Great Power and China as one of a Small power.

    The League was centered on the rapprochement rather than the enforcement in the late 1920s. Article 11 of the Covenant was more important than Article 16 in mediating disputes and reconciling belligerents. Britain administered the League Council through “the Concert of Europe,” which consisted of British, French and German Foreign Minister. The League Council was where the Powers consulted with each other. In contrast, China discovered the value of the Assembly as an arena of world opinion.

    Japanese invasion of Manchuria from 1931 to 1933 destroyed the credibility of collective security and cooperation between the Powers. Furthermore, the Small Powers were irritated by the indecisiveness of Great Powers, especially Britain. Some officials of British Foreign Office began to consider “reform” of the League for the purpose of weakening collective security and reestablishing the superiority of Great Powers over Small Powers after the Manchurian Incident.

    The Abyssinian Crisis from 1935 to 1936 accelerated this trend. The League of Nations voted for economic sanctions against Italy, but members including Britain didn’t carry out them fully. However, some Latin American members protested against the sanctions because they disrupted trade with Italy. The League Assembly set up a committee to study “the Application of the principle of the covenant of the League of Nations.” Even though Britain was pro-Consultative, she hesitated to revise the covenant. China was pro-Coercive and concerned about regionalizing collective security. The clash between two opinions left “reform” of the League deadlocked in the end.

  • ―世界人権宣言と個人の主体化をめぐる国連史序説―
    小阪 裕城
    2018 年 2018 巻 193 号 p. 193_92-193_107
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article examines the politics involved in the right to petition the United Nations (U.N.) in the drafting process of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Experiences of war and ideas such as “the Atlantic Charter” published by the allied countries inspired people around the world to become politically active. They started to seek not only a victory over the Axis countries but also a victory over injustices they face in their respective countries. When the U.N. Human Rights Commission began drafting the International Bill of Rights in 1947, it had already received many petitions from those people. This paper tries to answer the question of how nations responded to this situation, and how and why the article on the right to petition the U.N. was finally deleted from the drafting process of the declaration.

    As major African American civil rights groups were trying to send their petition to the U.N., internationalizing racial problems in the United States, the issue concerning the right to petition became an important issue for the U.S. government. The Interdepartmental Committee on International Social Policy, which was established by the Truman administration in 1946, discussed the issue of whether the international bill of human rights should be a legally binding “convention” or “declaration,” which was not supposed to be legally binding. While some countries such as Australia and India proposed mechanisms to implement a human rights charter, the U.S. State Department was reluctant to draft a binding convention at that moment, fearing that it was so provocative for the conservatives that they would disagree with the U.S. commitment to the United Nations.

    Separate from the American concern, the U.N. Human Rights Commission decided to draft both a convention and a declaration and started to make a series of drafts of the declaration that included the article on the right to petition the U.N. U.S. policymakers discussed these and were concerned about the article of the right to petition. What worried the U.S. is that recognizing the right to petition would stimulate “unwarranted hopes” around the world. The U.S. tried to revise the draft articles by replacing the “right to petition the U.N.” with the “right to communicate with the U.N.” From the U.S. viewpoint, the right to petition the U.N. was misleading because people might think that the U.N. would consider petitions and would take action for redressal of grievances in their respective countries.

    Eventually, in 1948 the U.N. General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights without an article on the right to petition. Most of the earlier studies on the drafting process of the declaration have not examined international and domestic politics over the right to petition. Thus historians have usually described the Declaration as a part of the history of the formation of U.S. hegemony or as the beginning of the history of the successful development of the international human rights regime. Keeping in mind individuals as a subject of international law and politics, politics concerning the article on the right of petition allows us to analyze history from a different angle.

  • ―戦時食糧協力からの一考察―
    詫摩 佳代
    2018 年 2018 巻 193 号 p. 193_108-193_122
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    The United Nations (UN) system has many functional agencies, such as the Food and Agriculture Organization and the World Health Organization (WHO), in contrast to the League of Nations, which only had about 10 technical agencies. Why does the UN system have so many functional agencies? This is partly owing to the Allies’ functional cooperation during the Second World War. By focusing on the interactions among the related actors, this article clarifies how food cooperation among the Allies was conducted, examines how that cooperation was influenced by the League’s food programme, and identifies its impact on the creation of the UN system.

    Examining the UN creation process by focusing on food cooperation leads us to the identification of two features of the UN system. The first is that the UN system was not necessarily the outcome of easy belief in international cooperation. Through the inter-war experience, the actors realized the cold reality of competition and confrontation in international politics as well as the necessity of military power for securing the post-war international order. At that time, however, it was quite difficult to come to an agreement on a post-war security scheme, which led them to focus intently on food cooperation as a lubricant.

    The Allies established the Combined Food Board for the purpose of managing food resources efficiently, through which they established cooperative relationships that formed the basis for the United Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture (UNCFA) in 1944, the first international conference among them. Behind the conference was the realistic calculation that functional cooperation regarding food would gradually lead to an agreement regarding security problems, and the former was much easier to establish than the latter. That expectation was proven correct when functional agencies, including UNESCO and WHO, were established in succession after the UNCFA, and the Allies finally agreed on a post-war security scheme at the San Francisco Conference in 1945. In this way, war-time food cooperation formed the basis for an agreement on the post-war security system, which was backed by a realistic school of thought.

    On that occasion, non-state actors such as academia or international bureaucrats played a crucial role, which is the second feature of the UN system. They had high expectations regarding functional cooperation as a breakwater for power politics and the basis for international peace and security. Those actors with similar post-war concepts formed a transnational network under which they materialized their ideas and appealed to Allied policymakers to have them realized. In current international politics, the transnational actors are also playing remarkable roles in such undertakings as the Mine Ban Treaty and the Paris Climate Accord, the beginnings of which can be found as early as the UN’s inception.

  • ―人道主義と政治の相克―
    藤井 篤
    2018 年 2018 巻 193 号 p. 193_123-193_139
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article examines how the International Committee of the Red Cross, (ICRC) struggled to perform its humanitarian mission in responding to the Algerian War, of 1954-1962. The Geneva Conventions of 1949 define rules concerning the protection of wounded and sick soldiers, prisoners of war, and civilians in armed conflicts of an international character, and their Common Article 3 stipulates that these parties should be equally protected during armed conflicts not of an international character. In the 1950’s and 1960’s, it was not clear whether or how this measure could be applied to a colonial conflict, yet from the beginning of the conflict, the ICRC made efforts to offer its humanitarian services to all involved parties in the spirit of the Conventions, trying to preserve its principle of neutrality in the midst of antagonistic politics among parties with an extreme imbalance of power and resources. In order to achieve its mission on the battlefields of Algeria, the ICRC had to approach both the French government, which was determined to defend French Algeria, and the Front of National Liberation, (FLN), which sought the abolition of colonialism and Algerian independence. On the one hand, many Algerians suspected to be terrorists came to be arrested by police or were forced by local governors to live in “accommodation camps,” and with the consent of the French authorities, the ICRC was able to dispatch a total of 10 missions during the war to visit accommodation camps for Algerian prisoners of war and civilians, and investigate the living conditions and treatment of the detainees. As the result of the ICRC’s repeated investigations and reports, considerable improvements were made to the material aspects of living conditions of these facilities, although torture and other violence to Algerians continued in and out of the camps throughout of the conflict. However, the ICRC encountered extreme difficulties in offering the same service to the FLN, which was waging a guerrilla war and so lacked stable camps for French captives in Algeria, and the achievement of its mission to the FLN was therefore very limited compared with their services at the French facilities.

  • ―人道危機監視ネットワークの生成と展開―
    五十嵐 元道
    2018 年 2018 巻 193 号 p. 193_140-193_156
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    In contemporary international relations, it is almost impossible to acknowledge the actual situation of armed conflicts without the reports of human rights NGOs. These reports often record detailed data, including the number of civilian casualties, and therefore contribute to the construction of the representation of armed conflicts. While constructivism analyzes the normative power of human rights and NGOs, it misses the struggle over the representation of armed conflicts between human rights NGOs and sovereign states. Applying P. Bourdieu’s theory of fields, this article demonstrates how human rights NGOs have fought against sovereign states and acquired a decisive influence over the representation of armed conflicts. Sovereign states and NGOs have constituted global and local fields in which actors wrangle over legitimacy by making the representation of the armed conflicts.

    This article argues that the struggles over the representation of armed conflicts between states and NGOs began in the late 1960s because of several post-colonial conflicts such as the Nigerian Civil War (the Biafran War) and the Northern Yemen Civil War. In these conflicts, traditional neutrality rarely afforded protection from military attack to NGOs; on the contrary, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)’s policy of avoiding testimony faced severe criticism as this policy seemed to help genocide continue. Until the 1960s, NGOs such as the ICRC had tended to avoid publicly criticizing sovereign states in armed conflicts even when NGOs confronted genocides.

    In the 1970s, human rights networks, including local and international NGOs, have been created because of serious human rights violations in Latin American countries. Various NGOs recorded human rights violations and publicly criticized authoritarian states. In the 1980s, when the Salvadoran Civil War occurred, local NGOs tracked civilian casualties and human rights violations by armed forces. With the help of these local NGOs, the newly established Americas Watch published many reports on the Salvadoran Civil War. Thereby, the Americas Watch tried to change the foreign policy of the Reagan administration that strongly supported the Salvadoran government. The data on civilian casualties was the focal point of the struggle between NGOs and the Reagan administration. This struggle contributed to the constitution of the global regime for humanitarian crises and led to the development of the methodology of fact-finding in armed conflicts. In the late 1980s and 1990s this global regime for humanitarian crises expanded as the number of human rights NGOs increased and the UN was involved in fact-finding missions.

  • ―ソマリアとマリの事例から―
    山口 正大
    2018 年 2018 巻 193 号 p. 193_157-193_172
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    Collective security originally evolved as a normative framework in the international community to maintain peace and security after the two consecutive World Wars. It was institutionalized largely through the United Nations (UN) Charter and the Security Council. However, it was not until the end of the Cold War that the institutional arrangement became operational. In order to respond sudden increase of internal conflicts after the Cold War, the international community has applied collective security to intrastate warfare by invoking Chapter 7 of the Charter. This brought about the establishment of various UN peacekeeping operations since the 1990s. At the same time, regional organizations took their own initiatives to conduct intervention and conflict resolution in some of the internal conflicts, based on Chapter 8 of the Charter.

    In Africa, it was not the regional organization, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), but sub-regional organizations, such as the Economic Community of West African States and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, that were initially involved in resolution and mediation of internal conflicts. This was partly because of the OAU’s reluctance, overshadowed by its ‘non-interference’ policy, and, at times, a lack of political will for intervention through the UN at the international level. However, the situation has changed significantly since the establishment of the African Union (AU). Unlike its predecessor, the AU positions itself to play much more active role in collective security in the continent, as reflected in its Constitutive Act. It establishes institutional arrangements and procedures to take collective action by the AU and sub-regional organizations through the African Peace and Security Architecture.

    This article examined the evolution of a collective security regime in Africa. Based on two case studies in Somalia and Mali, it is argued that a three-layered regime of collective security is being established in the continent, consisting of the UN, the AU and sub-regional organizations. The case studies highlighted that peace operations and political missions led by different actors operate in a country at a single point in time, in order to respond to the complex nature of contemporary security environment where internal conflict and asymmetric threat posed by terrorist armed groups coexist. It is further argued that based on their comparative advantages, there are both ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ divisions of roles among various actors in realizing collective security by those actors in the continent. This symbolizes changing characteristics of the collective security regime in Africa from the one largely centralized by the UN Security Council with utilizing UN peacekeeping operations to a mutlilayered one consisting of the UN, regional and sub-regional organizations with a combined effort of collective actions by multiple actors.

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