THE JAPANESE JOURNAL OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH
Online ISSN : 2187-5278
Print ISSN : 0387-3161
ISSN-L : 0387-3161
Volume 74 , Issue 4
Showing 1-24 articles out of 24 articles from the selected issue
Urgent Special Issue: Educational Reform and the Reconstruction of Educational Practice under Amended Fundamental Law of Education
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 427-
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
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  • Kimiyo HIRAI
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 428-439
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    The revision of the Fundamental Law of Education signals a decisive loss for the people who had believed that the freedom of education would be protected by means of preventing the law from revision for close to 60 years. Article 10 of the original Fundamental Law of Education stipulated as follows: "Education shall not be subject to improper control, but it shall be directly responsible to the whole people. School administration shall, on the basis of this realization, aim at the adjustment and establishment of the various conditions required for the pursuit of the aim of education." But the revision bill dropped the phrase that education should be carried out with direct responsibility to the people and, instead inserted the phrase that education should be carried out in accordance with "this and other laws." One wonders if this revision will prepare the circumstances for the state strengthening control of and intervening in education, because the theory of the people's right to education and teacher's professional autonomy was authorized by the original Article 10. In order to oppose the power of the state and protect their rights, people can choose one well-known way, that is weakening the influence of one law by means of using another law of higher status, such as the Constitution or the Convention on the Rights of the Child. However, I think it is not the best way to reach a public consensus on the importance of teachers' professional autonomy. This paper examines the 'historical path' to building a strong discourse protecting the teachers' freedom to teach. There was a process of discovering the value of the Fundamental Law of Education. And was a process of collaboration in which so many researchers and lawyers participated, and ultimately created the theory of the people's right to education. But, we can see typically in Prof. Munakata's discourse, the pluralities of freedom within his theory were removed in order to win the suit. The reason why such a large scale campaign for the Special Power Relation Theory was developed by the bureaucracy was to oppose that strong discourse. The stronger their discourses could become, the colder the war would become. My alternative plan is to reconsider the possibility for the right of education to return to the beginning point, recreating the law from the view of the actual situation of education where the law for pluralities of freedom would develop out of the encounter of children, parents, stakeholders and teachers.
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  • Hirokazu OUCHI
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 440-454
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS

    The Fundamental Law of Education came into force in 1947. The law had not been amended for over half century. However, it was amended in 2006. There are two purposes for this paper. One purpose is to examine how the Fundamental Law of Education was amended. The other is to argue about the type of education which is preferable under the amended Fundamental Law of Education. Section 1) It is posited that the aim of education is the full development of personality in Article One of both the Fundamental Law of Education of 1947 and the Fundamental Law of Education of 2006. But the two phrases "esteem individual value" and "be imbued with an independent spirit" were erased in writing the Fundamental Law of Education of 2006. And the qualities necessary for those who build the state and society are newly provided in the Fundamental Law of Education of 2006. The specific related content is written in Article Two of the Fundamental Law of Education of 2006. There are 20 moral laws, and one of them is for patriotism. These moral laws and education for patriotism may be enforced in schools, at home and in the community. Section 2) "Equal opportunity in education" is one of important concepts in the Fundamental Law of Education of 1947. But because the merit system is strengthened in the Fundamental Law of Education of 2006, it is difficult to maintain "equal opportunity in education". In particular to adopt the merit system in compulsory education is a serious matter. It will perhaps advance the reproduction of social class and generate gaps in the social structure. Section 3) It is stated that education shall not be subject to improper control but shall be directly responsible to all citizens in Article Ten of the Fundamental Law of Education of 1947. Furthermore, the idea that school teachers authorized by law shall be servants of the whole community is outlined in Article Six. These articles mean that education should be independent from the state. However, the two phrases related to education's responsibility toward all citizens and the role of teachers as servants of the community are eliminated in the Fundamental Law of Education of 2006. This deprives education of autonomy from the state and eliminates the public nature of the relationship between the citizenry and education. Section 4) It is newly provided that the government can make the Ground Plan to Promote Education in the Fundamental Law of Education of 2006. The government has a strong power to decide the content of education based on this article. This serves topromote neo-liberal educational reform. And this strengthens the state's control over education by the process of evaluation and inspection. Moreover, this deprives the local government of the power to decide education policy. Section 5) The Fundamental Law of Education of 2006 is fundamentally different from the Fundamental Law of Education of 1947. What education is preferable under the amended Fundamental Law of Education? This section suggests the preferred types of education, separating them into 3 levels. At the microlevel, it is important to avoid the imposition of education related to moral laws and patriotism. Making the most of academic freedom in Article Two in the Fundamental Law of Education of 2006, freedom of thought and conscience in the Constitution of Japan, and children's right to express their views in the Convention on the Rights of the Child is effective. At the middlelevel, it is important to stop neo-liberal educational reform. Making the most of the equality of all people under the law in the Constitution of Japan and equal opportunity in education in the Fundamental Law of Education of 2006 is effective. Criticizing the commercialization of education by emphasizing its 'public nature' in Article Six of the Fundamental Law of Education of 2006 is also important. At the

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  • Shigeru MITSUMOTO
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 455-466
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    The purpose of this report is to investigate the problem of reform and the practices of universities in Japan after the enforcement of the "revision" of the Fundamental Law of Education. Therefore, I use a perspective for analysis called the governance of the university. This is an expression which refers to activities inside and outside of the university and the relations between both, and encompasses more than the term "management". There are two problems. The first is to analyze the process and contents of formation of the university corporation. The other is to clarify the meaning of the Fundamental Law of Education (2006) in its relation to university reform. The national university corporation has been results of the emergence of reduction of the obligations of the government and expansion of discretion about the university budget. The government appropriated the past university budget for the purpose of specific policy, and has secured control of the national university corporation. As a result, the university governance by society is, in effect, intensifying the government's direct control of universities. The internal governance of the university shifted to the management of the top-down type. Thereby the authority of the faculty has been reduced and deprived. In 2006, the principle of the Fundamental Law of Education (1947) which has been an obstacle to university reform related to the financial distribution for evaluation removed by the revision. Because the contribution of the university to society is the aim, there is the danger of shutting down a route by which universities decide content and methods for their contributions to society through original channels and the administration's ability to create conditions which maintain that purpose. On the other hand, the governance of the organization of the public university corporation is more free than the national university corporation's. The university ideally can make a system with various rules related to its scale, field and the related social situation. That is why the Japan Association of Municipal and Prefectural Colleges and Universities accepted the highly arbitrariness of the public university corporation. However, actually it cannot be said that the organization of the public university corporation is made in consideration of the governance problem of the university. This is reflected by the low standards of administrative and financial ability of the local government. It is necessary to create a interaction for governance inside and outside the university. These are both important matters for system reform to open lines of communication between society and the university and to actively seek to correct the problems that have arose with the operation of the university corporation system. It is the matter that we should pursue as an original ideal method for university governance reform.
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  • Mitsugu KUBOTA
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 467-478
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Some people might ask who is responsible for the unjustifiable neo-liberal educational reform, including the revision of the Fundamental Law of Education established in 1947. We, university researchers of education, should accept a part of the blame, because we are, in one sense, positively connected with the reform. Thus, we should critically examine our activities in education and research, and then reconstruct a desirable educational system, in opposition to the rapidly proceeding neo-liberal educational reform. In this article, problems caused by the competitive research funding from the Ministry of Education are examined from the viewpoint that the competitive funds makes university researchers forget the discipline as servants of the whole society. The emphasis on acquirement of the competitive funds evidently leads to educational inequality. Applications to project-based funds promoted by the Ministry of Education contain research which is critical of the ongoing educational policies. It should be noted that the competitive research funds are designed to drive the neo-liberal educational reform. Next, the relationship between universities and regional education boards is examined. Universities do not criticize controversial training projects, such as the Tokyo Training Center for Student Teachers, and willingly send students to them. Universities often support school-volunteer projects, for instance, the program organized by the Nagoya Board of Education. Those projects are not appropriate for students who are in preparation for employment examinations. Universities want to increase the number of successful applicants and, as a result, have an unsound relationship with education boards.
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Special Issue: National Values and Universal Values in Education
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 479-
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
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  • Tatsuo TSUSHIMA
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 480-492
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    A Nazi autocracy was born in 1933, and it is well known that the power of the state was deified by Nazi ideology. Nevertheless, universal values were never abandoned, and we cannot forget this. This article is going to clarify how the universal values that the Nazi nation denied were able to have original meaning in the anti-Nazi movement and how they were revived after the war again in Germany. The author clarifies this problem through three points throughout this article. The first is that the educational practice of Adolf Reichwein (1898-1944) in the elementary school (Landvolksschule) Tiefensee is performed with all basic thought centered on anti-Nazism. The principal objective of his instructional activities was to raise the self-formation effect (Selbstkraft) of the children who did not adapt to the Nazi view of the world easily. In brief it was to foster a mental base for the independent self (subjective Selbstformung). Therefore, he fostered this in children living in the small sphere of the village of Tiefensee by inviting them to the very large outside world and leading them to the recognition of an open world. The independent self and the existence of openness to the world (Weltoffenheit) are not only principles of anti-Nazi education, but also important in the present age. The second is that the anti-Nazi thought of the resistance movement of the citizenry took on the basic character of religious ethics. When the thinking of the civil resistance recognized absolute evil, they realized that the Christian ethic was the method needed to overcome Nazism. They tried to awaken the Germans who had become believers in Nazism and who obeyed the Nazi system under the spell of Nazi values, and at the base of this effort was the revival of human nature based on Christian humanism. In addition, aiming toward a German nation after the Nazi collapse and European reconciliation, they raised the concept of "European mind" (Europaertum) and an idea of "Christian Europe". The third is that the anti-Nazi movement was finally reevaluated after the war in the 1950's and reinstated. In the background, there were many actions to demand this recognition of the movement by German society from the survivors and bereaved families of the resistance groups. It was an action to prove the existence of another Germany (das andere Deutschland). Furthermore, the judgment of the "Remer trial" of 1952 had decisive influence. Hereby the anti-Nazi movement was finally recognized officially as a "Revolt of Conscience". The principle of law theory referred to as the "right to resist" which prosecutor Fritz Bauer (1903-1968) propounded at this trial became the keyword of political education after the 1960's. Furthermore, the "right to resist" is a word to express the universal values reaffirmed through the experience of Nazi rule.
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  • Hiroshi SANUKI
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 493-504
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    The purpose of this thesis is to point out the meaning of the public world of autonomic education. It should be the public world which decides how public education should focus on certain values or content. An agreement formation process involving communication between the persons directly concerned with education is the basic characteristic of this space for public society concerning education. That process must secure autonomy from the sovereign right formed by a procedure including the public society of the political world. Therefore, this sovereign right is necessary to realize that agreement. But, as for that participation, the possibility that political forces work as an obstruction to and control the world of education is a situation which cannot be avoided. Therefore, our theoretical subject is to make relations between the political world and the education world which reduces this control as much as possible. The people's right to public education (ko-kumin no kyoikukenron) can be considered to exist as the first important result to succeed if it is seen from such a point of view. But, this right is not sufficient in grasping the free space of education as a public bloc within which there is conflict over educational values. And, this right is not sufficient to facilitate the communication process which forms public agreement in the world of free education. I have tried to explain the meaning of the change in the postwar education policy and the educational system from the point of view of the public society of education. And, I tried to explain the meaning of the character of neoliberalist education reform and the revision of the Fundamental Education Law (2006) from this point of view. Furthermore, in this article I have made an effort to examine the direction from which the theory of the people's right to education developed from this point of view. In the future, to make my hypothesis clear, I must carefully examine many disputes over education rights.
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  • Naoko YOSHIOKA
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 505-517
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    The first part of this article gives an overview of the actual context and the development of the Hinomaru-Kimigayo cases. In 1989, the prescribed course of study was revised. It obligated teachers to sing the national anthem and salute the national flag in school ceremonies. Many teachers resisted these compulsory practices, because they considered this a violation of freedom of thought and conscience and the freedom of education. Most of them were punished and started suits against the boards of education seeking the withdrawal of the punishments and recompense for damages. There are various facts and issues related to these cases called the Hinomaru-Kimigayo cases. These cases appeared mainly in the 1990s and are increasing. The Tokyo District Court gave a favorable ruling to the teachers who were plaintiffs on September 21, 2006. On the other hand, the Supreme Court's decision on February 27, 2007 reversed that decision. The second part of this article describes how the courts justify the compulsory singing and saluting of the flag or not. The prescribed course of study has been declared as a national standard, which all public schools should follow. The Supreme Court decision on May 21, 1976 ruled that the prescribed course of study was considered as a standard of general rules to which all should comply. But, the Supreme Court also decided that teachers have discretion as to methods and content of instruction. The clause of the prescribed course of study related to the national anthem and flag threaten to violate the fundamental rights of people and the freedom of education, and to force some teachers and schools to assume certain moral positions. The result is that such judgments will be carried out discreetly. But, many decisions seems to be lacking in deliberation, and do not acknowledge the fact that teachers are deprived of the right to freedom of education. We shall need to reexamine the meaning of this example of a standard set of general rules.
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  • Takeo MATSUDA
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 518-529
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Social education has traditionally expected the "power of society" to promote education in society. Social education lies deep within local society or community, and it has taken part in the process of creating autonomous practices by citizens to realize the "common good" and self-governance in communities. The purpose of this paper is to reexamine community values in social education through a reinterpretation of the concept of social education, while giving attention to the control of the penetration of national values into communities. Social capital and social education have many characteristics in common. The concept of both social education and social capital has been used to emphasize the social context of education. And furthermore, social education attaches great importance to the value of social networks, the criteria of generalized reciprocity and trust, and the bonds of community, which are the main components of social capital. Jiro Yamana pays attention to "association" as a facilitator of social education in a book entitled Social Education (1892), while distinguishing national education from social education. He discusses the "principle of social education", and states that "society eduecates itself" is the basic tenet of education. It was sozialpadagogik of Germany, which was introduced to Japan in the 1900's, that gave pedagogical grounds to social education in Japan. It is necessary to pay attention to sozialpadagogik, because it links education to welfare, while emphasizing the "social aspect of education". Social education in Japan also historically contains welfare work, and we ought to return to this kind of value system. Unosuke Kawamoto paid attention to the community from the perspective of social education in the 1920s, which was influenced by progressive education in the United States. After World War II, the issues surrounding the relationship between social education and community were discussed with the establishment of "Kominkan" (Community Centers). The focus of the debate was on the relationship between the freedom of an individual and the solidarity of the community. Presently, the relationship between communities and social education is becoming an important issue in municipalities undergoing reform of administration and finance. Various goods exist in communities, and they are reconciled and coexistent, but they also collide. Moreover, national values penetrate into communities. The "Kominkan" play an important role in balancing various goods and realizing "common goods" in communities. "Common goods" are defined, corrected and decided through deliberation. They are realized through deliberation in "Kominkan". Therefore, it is necessary to prepare the various places for deliberation in "Kominkan" formally and informally. The staff of "Kominkan" take part in this process of deliberation as facilitators, and the educational activities of residents create new community values. On the other hand, "Kominkan" have begun to play a part in welfare work. Social education can also realize new "common goods" of communities by including educational welfare work as well as German sozialpadagogik. The values of social education are created by taking part in the realization of "common goods" in communities.
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  • Yusuke HIRAI
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 530-541
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    The purpose of this paper is (1) to clarify the relationship between the new concept of citizenship and the "deliberative turn" in the contemporary theory of civic education in the U.S., and (2) to illustrate the ideals of national unity which include respect for the diversity of people's identities. There is an increasing interest in the concept of citizenship among liberal political philosophers in the United States in the 1990's. The debates about the concept of citizenship in the 1990's are different from those of the 1970's: the former focus on the identity and the action of citizens while the latter focus on the assertion of civil rights. Against the background of the recent development of citizenship theory, a new theory of civic education has emerged. This paper elucidates the significance of the emerging theory of citizenship and civic education by examining the "deliberative turn" in the liberal theory of civic education. Firstly, I analyze the new tendency in democratic theory. In the 1990's, multiculturalists argued about the ideals of national unity, and criticized the liberal theories which stressed the guarantee of social rights for all people. The arguments made the liberal theorists rethink the ideal of democracy. According to J.S. Dryzek, the theory of democracy took a deliberative turn in the 1990's. The deliberative turn means that the essence of democracy is now widely taken to consist in deliberation as opposed to voting, interest aggregation, constitutional rights, or self-government by both liberals and anti-liberals. I argue that the deliberative turn is inevitably related to civic education. Secondly, I compare contents of citizenship of J. Rawls's theory of civic education as the liberal position and that of M.J. Sandel's as the anti-liberal position. This comparison makes clear that there is an issue to be resolved: We must think of fair terms of social cooperation in which the diversity of people is appreciated in political arenas and in the community. The approaches to this issue are different from each liberal theorist of civic education. Thirdly, I analyze two positions in the liberal theory of civic education after the "deliberative turn". On the one hand, it is claimed that deliberation is essentially the method of democratic decision making. On the other hand, it is claimed that deliberation should be regarded as the method of civic education. The theorists who stand on the former position are S. Macedo and W.A. Galston. The theorists on the latter position are E. Callan and A. Gutmann. The emergence of the latter position among the liberal theorists in the 1990's is, I argue, the key development of the theory of civic education. The feature of Callan's and Gutmann's theories is to stress cultivation of ability to think critically and autonomously. This cultivation is key to reform the society. Finally, I conclude that cultivating civic virtues, especially mutual respect, is necessary in a pluralist society, but there are difficulties with this cultivation.
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Paper
  • Masaaki ONO
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 542-553
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    The aim of this paper is to make clear the following three matters. The first matter is the process of imperial portraits' deification after June 1936. The second matter is the encouragement for the spread of shrine-style cases for imperial portraits. And the third matter is the compulsory display of the imperial portraits and enforcement of school ceremonies on national holidays. In this point, Nobuyoshi Yamamoto & Toshihiko Konno, Isao Nagahama, and Makoto Hanai analyzed the above themes by using the literature concerning the history of Prefecture's Education (fuken-kyoikushi). They elucidated the actual conditions of cases for Imperial Portraits (houanden) from the 1890's to the 1930's. In addition, Hideo Sato revealed that the Order No.4 in 1891 concerning the cases for Imperial Portraits was the solitary legal authority, and its interpretation was changed according to the needs of different times. Furthermore, the style of cases for imperial portraits adapted to the needs of different times. Thus, in the 1930's, shrine-style cases for imperial portraits were spread all over Japan. These facts were made clear as a result of Hideo Sato's findings. Since 1985, there has been a new development which reframes this theme. This is the release of documents owned by the National Archives of Japan. These documents revealed new facts about the issue of imperial portraits and their custody. In this paper, I approach this issue through the use of documents owned by the National Archives and prefectural documents from Miyagi, Gunma, Osaka, Oita, Miyazaki, and elsewhere. As a result, this paper makes the following conclusions. First, the regulations on cases for Imperial Portraits were not rigid. Each prefecture had its own regulations about the cases for Imperial Portraits. But, its regulations were not always followed in the schools. Many schools' imperial portraits were stained by mold or destroyed by insects. This was a serious problem in the mid-1930's. Second, the Ministry of Education feared this situation. Therefore, from 1932, the inspection of the cases for Imperial Portraits was started by the Ministry of Education. After this, the form of cases for the imperial portraits was controlled under the leadership of the Ministry of Education. And, after 1936, shrine-style cases for Imperial Portraits were spread all over Japan with the encouragement of the Ministry of Education. Third, the Ministry of Education stepped up the policy of compulsory display of the imperial portraits and the policy of enforcement of school ceremonies on national holidays. This study is important because it helps to further understanding of the relationship between the modern emperor system and education.
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  • Nami SUGISHITA
    Type: Article
    2007 Volume 74 Issue 4 Pages 554-566
    Published: December 28, 2007
    Released: December 26, 2018
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    The Communicative Approach has had a strong impact on the field of foreign language teaching, or more broadly language education, in emphasizing learning a foreign language through authentic communication. This approach has its theoretical foundation in the concept of "communicative competence", which was proposed by the American linguist Dell Hymes. The notion of competence was originally proposed by Noam Chomsky, who defined the concept of "linguistic competence" as knowledge of linguistic structure. Hymes claimed that Chomsky's definition of "linguistic competence" was too limited as a notion of competence. Thus Hymes proposed "communicative competence" including not only grammatical knowledge but sociolinguistic aspects necessary for actual language use. Recently, however, some uncertainty has been raised regarding the effect of the approach to authentic learning, based on a concern about too much emphasis on actual communication. The detailed analysis of the previous studies on "communicative competence" proved that this concept has been positioned as the goal of the learning process. Most studies have assumed that "communicative competence" refers to an ability to be acquired through foreign language learning. On the contrary, this paper explains that Hymes' concept of "communicative competence" implies one's linguistic ability which can be continuously transformed. This paper focuses also on the articles by Hymes on his concept of "performance", which is strongly related to "communicative competence". Based on his analysis of the narrative performance in the myths and folklore of Native Americans, Hymes referred to "communicative competence", implying that one's competence to use language leads to the continual possibility of facing conflicts with others and eventually leading to transformation. Contrary to Hymes' description of "communicative competence", the discussions on foreign language teaching have positioned the concept as an objective of learning. Consequently "communicative competence" is separated from the ability a learner enjoys and eventually from the possibility of facing conflict and transforming ones own competence. Finally three points are offered to be studied. Firstly, the inclination to regard "communicative competence" as an objective of language learning is questioned. In order to learn a foreign language authentically and actively, it is preferable to focus on "communicative competence" which can be improved at any stage of learning. Secondly, the learning of grammar needs to be evaluated as a keystone for learners to face new insights. Considering Hymes' account that experience with others is organized into linguistic structures in the form of myths and folklores, grammar learning should promote chances for a learner to see insights into how other learners are working with the structure of a foreign language. Finally, the sociolinguistic aspects of language learning need further study. Based on the second point, related to learning unfamiliar linguistic structures, learners experience social and interactive language use with others. Sociolinguistic and grammatical aspects then need to be inquired into not as oppositional or dichotomous as seen in previous arguments but as continual and dependent.
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