The second decade of the Meiji era was an eventful period, politically as well as socially. After the Seinan War, the anti-government movement turned its course from military strategy to ideological one, and the so-called "Jiyu minken-undo" was sweeping over the country. The Meiji government confronted the situation with every possible reactionary policy. Starting with the publication of "Kyogaku-Taishi" in 1879, they tried to get education under control by means of various policies on school texts, carriculum, teachership, etc. These policies are significant not only as the back-ground of the theme of this paper but as something inseparably interwined with it. In this paper, however, I focused my consideration to the code concerning the primary school carriculum legalized in 1881 ("Koryo"), which seems to me of the closest relation to the theme of this paper, and confined myself to the examination of the process of its legislation, and of its essential character. The carriculum prescribed in "Koryo" was, quite unlike the preceding one, intended to powerfully control the method and the content of the public education. From the methodological view-point, developmentalism ("Kaihatsushugi") was then being generated at Tokyo Normal School. Under what circumstance, and in what way, did the developmentalism, which was to be a predominant principle of school teaching in the later half of the 10's of Meiji, connected itself, at the time of 1881, with the above mentioned "Koryo". The investigation of these points is not only a requisite to the under-standing of the educational peculialities in the first half of the Meiji era, but also an important clue to the elucidation of the characteristics of Japan's education after that period. Under such idea I studied in this paper the characteristics of the teaching method in the second decade of Meiji, and treated some problems involved in it. The following is a summary of this paper. 1. Problems of Object Teaching in the later period of "Gakusei". 2. Characteristics of the educational policies at the beginning of the 10's of Meiji. 3. The relation between the developmentalism and "Koryo". 4. Theoretical characteristics of the developmentalism and some problems of its practice.

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The Public Education System of Japan was set up at the opportunity of the Imperial Restoration, and was established definitely in the middle of the Meiji era. But the national education was regarded as the means of training the nation into Shinmin who were to meet the needs of the State, Therefore there was no expecting the human values of the modern men to be built up. In the Taisho era, there happened to be a new movement The portrait of Shinmin represented by the Imperial Rescript en Education, which was the moral back-born of the education, was criticized from the standpoint of imperialistic demands of the bourgeoisie, and also from the standpoint of artists who set great values on creativity and freedom of men. This new movement was carried under the complete control of the ruling class, and is regarded as a conversion of Shinmin to citizen (=Staatburger). In this thesis I try to graap of the meaning of what part the criticism of the artists played in the historical movement of the education. The movement of art education in the Taisho era was supported by the artists or literary men. It was so prevailing as to criticize the formalism and the emptiness of the public education, especially of art education in those days. By that time the artists had been, so to speak, outsiders of education. They published the magazine "Geijutsu-Jiyu-Kyoiku" (Art, Freedom, Education) in 1921. They not only criticized the public education, but intended to recover creativity of mcdern art and human freedom by means of education. Noboru Katagami, a chief member of this movement, triec to grasp the benefit of education from his humanistic standpoint. He thought that creativity and freedom of humanity would be recovered if artistic spirit prevailed over all the parts of education. He also nad an idea of regaining the subjective ego which Taisho Democracy failed bo grasp. Surely he pointed out distortion of the public education, but had no concrete measures to solve them. Kanae Yamamoto and Hakushu Kitahara, who were also the members of this movement, were surprized at children's abundant possibilities and splendid powers of expression. So they reconsidered children. They as well as Katagami criticized formalism of the public education. Therefore we can see a central point of the public education and art in this movement.

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Yung-he-ti is the third emperor of Ming Dynasty in the fifteenth century. He was a man who took a very active part in the national and military affairs in the vast area. His educational policy had necessarily to extend over the vast area. Here I wish to describe how he planned and practiced the policy over such an area as came under his control or over foreign lands. He decided without permission that Japan and Loochoos belong to him, and yet their rulers so much wished to have a foreign trade with his country that they were not so particular about the problem. So he believed it his duty as a great ruler to enlighten Japan and Loochcos and printed a hundred enlightening books, "CH'UAN-SHAN-SHU" and "NEI-HSUN-SHU", in order to give them to Japan if it wished to have. He welcomed students from Roochoos and gave them facilities for their study. He established a school in Yun-Nan district where many people different from Han race were living. Young people of powerful families rooted in that district were invited to enter the school in the capital, but he never took advantage of them as a hostage, thus showing an emperor's magnanimity of a big kingdom. Moreover, he dispatched a large expedition army to Viet-nam and conquered it. Many schools were also established there for the purpose of cultivating humanity by the Chinese culture, fostering officials, and enforcing them Chinese style of government. Thus Yung-le-tis educational policy was fundamantally of imperialistic character with the background of military power, but it must be noted that he had an intention of enlightening the uncivilized area. Of course it was based on the idea of Middle Flowery Kingdom, the best center of the world, but it was an innevitable matter at that age when the ideal of formation of humanity could not pass a certain limit in Asiatic world.

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The previous studies concerning Basedow's thought in the history of education have been discussing what relation there are between his thought and past great educators ; Comenius, Locke, Rousseau, Gesner, de La Chalotais and Ehlers, But these studies have not asked what social problems Basedow wanted to solve in the third quarter of 18th century of Germany. As a result, the question which these standpoint produced was whether the fundamental idea of his main work "Vorstellung an Menschenfreunde und vermogende Manner uber Schulen, Studien und ihren Einfluss in die offentliche Wohrfahrt, 1768" borrowed the most important point of view from other great educators. Above all, they could not understand that Basedow devoted himself to rationalizing the religion before 1768, but suddenly turned his principle to solving the problems of education after this year. This treaties makes clear this question and prove the sudden change does not mean the volte-face of his thought at all, but its inner development. There are the knot which combine the problem of religion to that of education in cultivating the patriotic moral in the heart of German citizens. Basedow comprehends that the public education is the national educational system which excile the power of church from school and indocrtinate "the national religion" into the nation. And this "Staatsreligion" is the religion which shall be backbone for citizens who serve loyally to their monarchical nation and, at the same time, want to modernize rapidly its social structure. This kind of "offentliche Erziehung" which allows to interfere in the inner private life of people by nation is the typical production of late-started country in capitalism.

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I studied the educational essays which had appeared in the period of the French Revolution as the changing period in history from feudal society to capitalistic society, from the view-point what relations they had with it and what structure they themselves had. I took up chiefly the Lepeletier's educational essay which is said by Compayre to be "an imitation with but little originality of the institutions of Lycrugus and the reveries of Plato" or to be "scarcely more than an historical curiosity." Each plan of Talleyrand and Condorcet was the educational essay with which the bourgeoisie wished to fell the feudal society or the feudal absolutism and to construct the capitalistic society or the capitalism. Each of them made the educational system which had not given education to the poor people really, and which had the intention to divide the French people into two classes, working class and bourgeoisie, and to fix them in their own class. As the last encyclopedists, they thought that it was necessary to give all the children of school age the instruction. Their intention of this was to liberate the people from feudalism and its ideologies, and to let them understand the new knowledges of developing sciences and industry, and the new property relations. Thus extending the productive forces, they tried to settle themselves as the bourgeoisie in the new society. Lepeletier's plan which had made up in January, 1793, appeared on Convention nationale in July, 1793, when the bourgeoisie had.already fallen into the reactionary force; at this time they were not the progressive force in history. It has the end to object to the accomplishment of the bourgeois principles against the bourgeoisie gaining the profits from the Revolution and to modify these principles and to regain the profits for the petty-bourgeois, that is, sans-culotte. By combining education with the material production in the "maison d'education nationale "that is, the boarding school, which guaranteed the children's right of learning really, he tried to make "un nouveau peuple" and the State consisting of petty independent producers without distance between wealth and poverty and without exploitation. He attached importance to labour as the guaranty of life of the people, so that the instruction was neglected. This meant to lose the fundamental condition necessary for promotion of production and to lower the productive forces. Consequently, in the French Revolution, Lepeletier's educational plan or essay worked to reverse the development of history from feudal to capilalistic society. But the principles of his plan contains very important meaning today.

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In this article, I intend to consider the relation between Napoleon Bonaparte and the Roman Catholic Church, in order to analyse the characteristics of the religious education in the reign of Napoleon (1799-1815). Immediately after the "coup d'Etat du 18 Brumaire", Napoleon pursued the secular policy as leaders of the French Revolution had done, with respect to religious problem. But Napoleon concluded the "Concordat" with Pius VII, in conformity with the rebirth of a religious atmosphere after the French Revolution. As a result, the religious education was put into practice. Although Napoleon admitted educational action under the direction of the Church, his real intention was to make full use of its traditional authority and organization to serve his regime. Thus, applying the "Articles organiques" to the Church, Napoleon tried to oppress the private schools which contradicted his policies. The Church only had a seminary in each diocese, but the Catholic clergy was occupied in the educational action out of surveillance of the government. That was why Napoleon could not take the "liberte d'enseignement" from the Church. It was a centralism like "patriarcat national" that Napoleon proposed to realize, for he would become a souvereign of both realms: spiritual and temporal. For that purpose, he took two effective measures in 1806. One was to distribute the uniform catechism in which Napoleon emphasized his power, and the other was to found the "Universite imperiale" as a convenient organ to penetrate his will. Napoleon could scarecely attain his purpose in reality. However we can find, in the process of the keen conflicts about religion and moral between Napoleon and the Church, a fundamental subject in the history of French education.

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