This paper describes curriculum in secondary-level education of "Gogaku" (domain schools) in the early days of the Meiji era. In previous studies, the curriculum of Gogaku considers their transition to Shogakko (elementary schools) founded by the Gakusei (Meiji Education System Order) and their undeveloped curriculum. Therefore, this paper analyzes the nature of Gogaku curriculum and more importantly the transition of that curriculum with the conversion from Gogaku to Shogakko under the Gakusei. This paper analyses the transition of curriculum of Togan Gogakko (a variant term for Gogaku) from 1871 to 1873 by using sources including records that reveal textbook selection and purchase, as well as Togan Gogakko's use of Ishii Saburohyoe Ke Monjo (House Rules of Ishii Saburohyoe), currently housed in the Yokosuka Central Library. Togan Gogakko was established in Uraga, Kanagawa Prefecture, in 1871 by Uraga residents, particularly merchants. This paper then analyzes the level curriculum, the level of elementary education and the level of secondary education, comparing it all to Gogaku Kari Kisoku, a Kanagawa Prefectural policy for Gogaku curriculum, and to Shogakusho Kagyohyo, a Ministry of Education curriculum table that was the basis of the Gakusei. In tracing the transition of curriculum in Togan Gogakko, the following two points are revealed: First, Togan Gogakko was founded as an institute of higher learning to encourage its students, regardless of status, to cultivate their own will, good human life, and a peaceful nation through human collaboration. Togan Gogakko offered an opportunity of higher learning to those who had not had such opportunity. It enriched its curriculum employing excellent teachers, enriching textbooks, and by preparing students for opportunities for more advanced learning. Second, the secondary education curriculum in Togan Gogakko was unique, unlike the vision of education created by Kanagawa Prefecture or the Ministry of Education. However, the content of the secondary education level was separated and was not part of the Shogakko transition. The visions of Kanagawa Prefecture and Ministry of Education systems restricted opportunities for more advanced learning and content to select students; while Gogaku was open to all students as an elementary school, its vision was to prepare students for opportunities of more advanced learning as well as opportunities for basic education.

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The purpose of this study is to reveal the unique practices of secondary education at one shijuku (private school) of distinction in Niigata Prefecture and its foundation in the region. The shijuku was a secondary school that could respond to the educational demands of local leaders, and kept its curriculum relatively autonomous, not complementary to or a substitute for, the public secondary education system. At first, only Chinese classics (Kangaku) were taught at Chozenkan. In 1885, Western, particularly English Studies (Eigaku) and mathematics, were added to the curriculum. The study of Eigaku was based on translations of original texts or lectures in Japanese by the teacher. This method was referred to as "Hensoku-Eigaku," irregular English Studies. The revised curriculum could not be positioned within the formal articulation system, but the level of content was equal to formal secondary education. In addition, the revised curriculum was determined after negotiation between teachers and local leaders who supported Chozenkan. After the revision, the children of local leaders went to Chozenkan. Chozenkan was recognized as a secondary school by local residents. However, Chozenkan faced many challenges due to changes in students' personality and demands as well as a series of resignations by Eigaku and mathematics teachers. Despite these troubles, Chozenkan was accepted as a secondary school capable of preparing students to attend higher secondary schools in Niigata and Tokyo.

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This paper will analyze the significance of the policy of the local government during the developing of Camping School in Taisho period. This paper looks at camp and seaside school programs from two perspectives. (1) The Camp School programs were introduced to address society's need to improve standards of education and living. (2) Camp school programs expanded in the face of a rise in demand for improvement in the face of urban problems and the corresponding administrative responses. This paper will examine the significance of camp school programs from these two viewpoints, a subject that has not been the subject of previous studies. This paper examines the case of Tokyo particularly from the second perspective. The conclusion can be summarized as follows. The camp school program of Tokyo in the Taisho period was implemented with the intent to address a perceived crisis of "weakening children" and its cause, urban problems. However, it was difficult for individual schools to implement 1895 Tokyo Prefectural guidelines. In the beginning, these instructions were only implemented in schools that already had similar programs. This discrepancy between practice and policy was corrected in 1918 by Tokyo Prefectural Instruction No. 21, following which a camp school was opened to the public. In order to encourage camp schools throughout the country, a government subsidy was established for camp schools, even in Tokyo. The subsidy was insufficient, however, and did little to fund camp schools directly. The implementation of camping schools in Tokyo during this period significantly brought the camp school program to the attention of the public. While popular awareness of urban problem was high, the population at large was unaware of the shortcomings of Tokyo's infrastructure. For this reason, people sought a return to nature, the ideal environment, when faced with deteriorating living education environments. Government policies promoting camp schools played a prominent role in the development of this popular demand to send their children to spend time in a natural environment, but did little else. Because of camp school policies, criticism of urban problems and demand for improvement were quieted, and policy designed to reform the infrastructure of Tokyo was not developed. In other words, Tokyo Camp School proved to be a historical roadblock to the development of urban improvement policies.

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The purpose of this paper is to consider the problem of discipline training through an analysis of the implementation of a physical fitness course after April 1941 in Nara Women's Higher Normal School Attached to the National Elementary School, a school famous for its liberal education school in the 1920s. This paper examines the use of playful competition, particularly the "hurdle relay" by Matsumoto, a licensed physical fitness teacher. Of particular interest in this paper is the antagonistic relationship between children's spontaneous interest and the application of discipline training. In wartime Japan, discipline training embodied the national imperial education while stifling children's spontaneous interest. This paper, in short, provides evidence that children's spontaneous interest survived despite National Elementary School practices, making it necessary to modify previous research that concluded that children's spontaneous interest ended in 1938 or 1940. The results of the analysis are summarized as follows: At faculty meetings in the beginning, teachers recognized that in many ways, children's interest at that time was not spontaneous, but arose from national urges to be aware of imperial subjects' role in Japan's total war system. In spite of this realization, nothing was changed in practical instruction. The most pressing problem for the physical fitness course was how to use the playful competition as a method of discipline training. For the school, the solution was to have the teacher show children how to engage in playful competition silently. The other point of view, namely that to refuse to practice silently, was to support children's spontaneous and creative activity, but this failed to meet the need to train imperial subjects in their place within Japan's total war's system. It follows from this that the practice of silence was confronted by children's spontaneous interest. The teachers' opinions on this issue, however, were divided, although the majority of teachers supported of children's spontaneous and creative activity. In addition, reports from people outside the school criticized the faculty for failing to produce the desired results in discipline training. Consequently, most teachers continued to cultivate children's spontaneous and varied creative activity as late as November 1941.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the place of post-war Okinawan emigration education through a consideration of Emigration Studies in agricultural high schools, from it formation to its abolition, and how it relates to the state of emigration in Occupation-era Okinawa. It was necessary to resume emigration in post-war Okinawa, because of a rapid population increase. However, the legal and national status of Okinawan emigrants during the U.S. Occupation was uncertain, particularly for those residing in Bolivia. In light of this situation, Emigration Studies programs in agricultural high schools were established in 1958, with a curriculum designed to cultivate high-level agricultural skills in potential emigrants. Regarding Emigration Studies focused on practical training, that sought to develop and cultivate pioneering skills and spirit needed in land reclamation and surveying. However, by the late 1960s, Okinawan emigration declined rapidly, spurring the need refocus agricultural education on an increasing number of Japanese emigrant returnees. As a consequence, Emigration Studies was integrated into other subjects and abolished in 1972. In conclusion, Emigration Studies in agricultural high schools facilitated the training of skilled emigrants in occupied Okinawa, reflecting the implementation of systematic emigrant education within post-war Okinawan high school education.

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This paper examines the medical mission activities of Severance Hospital in 1910s Korea, with particular attention to the roles of "Bible Women." This analysis reveals the way new knowledge regarding childbirth and childcare was disseminated. Previous research focuses on public health services for mothers and children carried out by mission hospitals since the 1920s. The public health services were important in the process of propagating the concept of "scientific" childbirth and childcare, which considered quantitative markers in children's health, such as height, weight, and mental development. This paper analyzes the activities of the mission in the 1910s to show how it became the basis for expansion of medical mission efforts in the following decade. The Severance Hospital was the only mission hospital that had a research department and has led the way in medical activities since its foundation in 1904 Seoul to the present. What should not be overlooked when evaluating the Severance Hospital's activities was the existence of Korean women who worked as "Bible Women." Instead of male doctors, who could not approach Korean women, and a scarcity of female nurses, Bible Women passed on their new knowledge to Korean women. By focusing on the Bible Women who bridged the gap between Westerners and Korean women, I discuss the acceptance of and fixation on new knowledge regarding childbirth and childcare. This paper first analyzes reports of the Korea Medical Missionary Association and "The Korea Mission Field" as historical documents. When the medical system of the Government-General was being revamped in the mid-1910s, social services were established. The Bible Women were a necessary component in the promotion of social services. Second, this paper analyzes the health awareness activities by Bible Women. From the description of their home visits, Korean people's attitudes and feelings toward children are apparent. Bible Women helped Korean women realize the value of hospitals and afforded them an opportunity to obtain new knowledge. However, they sometimes separated children from their families and had to confront other Korean women who resisted breaking from tradition. Third, an analysis of "Korean Child Mortality," a report on the investigation and research on infant mortality, reveals the cultural differences between Western doctors who headed health research and investigations, and Bible Women who interviewed Korean women, as well as errors and vagueness that arose due to differing opinions regarding investigation efforts, and the modification of data on Korean childcare in order to promote a western style childcare. In the late 1920s, health awareness activists took advantage of the results of the investigation to advocate the expansion of social services. Health awareness activities were connected with the investigation and research, so as to better promote social services. Bible Women occasionally confronted, differed in opinion, and compromised with Western male doctors and female nurses as well as Korean women. Bible Women served important functions in health awareness activities and in health investigation and research. Due to the activities of the Bible Women in the 1910s, the foundations of expansive social services in the 1920s were established.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the dynamic history of education for the Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, focused on Bando-kyoikusho, or educational institutions for indigenous children, under the Education Guidelines for Kyoikusho (1928-1942). The paper's findings are summarized as follows: 1. While the number of kyoikusho changed little after the middle of the 1920s, there was ongoing change in kyoikusho across Taiwan; closing, moving and newly establishment. This constant fluctuation of kyoikusho is closely-linked to upheaval of naive residential area and their living conditions. 2. Through the 1930s, attendance of indigenous children increased, although there were still gaps based on location and sex. Continuing education and practical training in supplementary courses or agricultural courses also expanded, especially in Taihoku Prefecture. On the other hand, quite a few children were not admitted in kyoikusho for financial condition of the central and local governments. Enrollment in advanced schools remained the exception for indigenous children, furthermore, the number of the middle and higher education institutions decreased than before. 3. As the number of indigenous youth enrolled in kyoikusho increased, authorities heightened expectations that they would become a pulling force in policy implementation, thus also aroused suspicion against them. It transpired that there were unacceptable situations for authorities as a result of indoctrination among the indigenous graduates of kyoikusho and advanced schools. Under such conditions, the authorities tightened restrictions to limit indigenous youth to enroll in advanced schools. 4. There was a voice to extend the course term of kyoikusho, which was one of the few opinions represented by the indigenous peoples. This desire obviously aligned with authorities' hope that indigeneous people would strive to "become worthy Japanese subjects"; however, this was based on indigenous people's deep concern about their own future.

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The purpose of this research is to show the process and the theory by which schoolmasters could acquire the authority over education in early modern England. In early modern England, the person who governed a household was called the 'householder,' who was generally father, master, and husband. The education of children in the household was basically conducted under the authority of the householder. In early modern England, however, the concern for education expanded not only among householders, but also throughout the society, and with this expansion, schoolmasters began to gain the authority over the education of children. In this process, schoolmasters began to assume parental prerogatives, a principle called 'In Loco Parentis.' This term seemed only analogical until Commentaries on the Laws of England (Blackstone, W. 1765) was published. However, books and pamphlets concerning household management and the education of children, published in early modern England, show how parents delegated their authority to school-masters. These books and pamphlets essentially considered God to be the ultimate authority over education. Therefore only parents (especially the father) could inherit that authority because they could bear, nourish, love, and educate their children and govern their household, in God's stead. In this way, authority over education was initially established within the household. While parents were considered to have primary authority over their children, schoolmasters in those days had not yet consolidated their position sufficiently. Only a few schoolmasters were able to make a living as a 'professional' educator, and most of those had to have other occupations to support themselves. Their wages were rather small and their social status was insecure because schoolmasters were often considered to be a kind of household servant. Moreover, schoolmasters, who could not bear, nourish, and govern the children, theoretically had no legitimate authority over the education of children. In order to assume their role as educators, they needed the authority held by parents, and justification to inherit that authority, as well as distinguish their role from that of servant. By assuming authority over education from parents, and being distinguished their status from that of servants, schoolmasters began to break away from the household hierarchy. With this change, schoolmasters became a kind of governor, and once their social position had changed, that affected the relationship within the household. This change created a condition that reshaped the relationship between household and education.

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