The aim of this paper is to clarify the historical significance of the debate on moral education during Mori Arinori's tenure as Minister of Education, by reexamining the compilation process of the Ministry of Education ethics textbook entitled Rinrisho. Although Rinrisho is commonly regarded as the direct product of Mori's own ideas, this paper will show, by focusing on the debate between the compilation members such as Nishimura Shigeki, Suga Ryoho, Kano Jigoro, Nose Sakae and Walter Dening, that the project was fraught with conflict and tension. A point of particular interest in this regard is the figure of Nishimura Shigeki. When the members failed to reach consensus and Nishimura was excluded from further involvement, he began to work against the project, arguing that ethics textbooks should be compiled by Imperial command, not by the Ministry of Education. Meanwhile, Nose and Suga, who had remained on the compilation committee, started to utilize the journal, Kokumin no Kyoiku, to promote their views on moral education. By focusing on this largely ignored journal, this paper brings to the fore the dynamic debate between Nishimura on the one hand, and the camp of Nose and Suga, on the other. Although both camps looked to universal "Truth" (shinri) instead of any particular religious or philosophical doctrine as the standard of morality, their views diverged sharply regarding the methods to be used to encourage the practice of this standard in students through moral education. I will argue that this divergence ultimately had its roots in opposing viewpoints concerning the ideal relation between politics and morality.

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On This paper re-examines the discourse of 'anguished youth' in 1900s. As a result, this paper reveals how the concept of youth was transformed into the premise of 'anguished youth.' The first section of this paper explains the origin and the conditions of 'anguished youth' in 1900s Japan. There was an increase in elite 'youth' who had time to anguish, the infiltration of the notion to 'anguish', and the birth of Shuyo theory. Moreover, this section shows that 'anguished youth' continued from the advent of Chogyu Takayama as the embodiment of 'anguished youth' until Kumajiro Kiyama in 1908. Section two considers how 'anguished youth' became a social problem after the suicide of Misao Fujimura in 1903. While there have been many variations on the concept of 'anguished youth,' the one common them was that 'anguished youth' was the failure of 'youth', even though these 'youth' went on to become capable 'citizens.' Section three explains how middle school students, as well as higher school students around the time of the Russo-Japanese War were essentially 'anguished youth.' In this context, 'youth' were defined not as 'those with something to look forward to' but as 'those who should cope.''Coping' was established as 'education' by order of the 1906 Ministry of Education Instruction No.1.

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Through a consideration of the connection between gakkoen (school gardens) and reconstruction plans that included small public parks following the 1923 Great Kanto Earthquake, this paper reveals how gakkoen became a necessary component of Tokyo City elementary education. Previous research determined that a compromise was reached between park management disaster relief provisions and the education demands for the expansion of school grounds. However, it is doubtful that there was sufficient land to meet both demands because there were many obstacles preventing the acquisition of property, such as opposition to voluntary reductions of residential property that reconstruction plans required. This paper reexamines this situation through a consideration of the role of gakkoen as established by the 1905 "Notice Regarding School Gardens" (Gakkoen shisetsu tsucho). This paper shows that securing sufficient property was not possible due to budgetary constraints, resulting in no additional land for schools grounds; even the option of having small public parks available for use by all elementary schools was not possible. In order to make up for the failure to expand school grounds, small public parks were to be used to fulfill the purpose of gakkoen by providing materials and nurturing of in aesthetic sensibilities. In the context of the 1905 Gakkoen shisetsu tsucho, the educational value of gakkoen were recognized in 1910 by the educational associations of Tokyo city, and was also approved by city planning after the earthquake. The establishment open spaces for disaster relief throughsmall city parks also came to serve an educational purpose. While gakkoen in Tokyo were not part of expanded school grounds, their provision was accomplished through small city parks. In conclusion, gakkoen played an important role in the compromise between the city planning and public education.

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This paper examines the process of the establishment of municipal Korean schools in Japan. These Korean schools were started in 1949 in cities with a significant resident Korean population. The study of the establishment of municipal Korean schools provides a better understanding of the characteristics of public education in postwar Japan, and of Korean children's educational experiences. This paper not only reveals the conditions of the establishment of municipal Korean schools (school name, location, period of existence), it also shows the legal framework that made it possible to establish these schools. In particular, this paper considers Ministry of Education policies, the awareness of GHQ, and countermeasures taken by several local governments. In 1948, the Ministry of Education declared that all school age Korean children must attend schools prescribed by Article 1 of the School Education Law. Just after that, in 1949, the Ministry of Education closed down almost all Korean educational facilities, including schools approved by Article 1. As a result of this, municipal schools had to accept Korean students. To satisfy this influx of Korean students, some local governments requested permission to use the closed schools' premises as branch schools. In response to their request, the Ministry of Education issued a memorandum permitting the establishment of municipal branch schools as an exception to the rule. Under this memorandum, some local governments, for various reasons, established municipal Korean schools between 1949 and 1950.

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This research is a historical survey of 16 student organizations, such as "Tokyo University Correspondence Society," that conducted "Academic Competition." These competitions were essentially trial examinations for students of high schools and preparatory schools (private schools for students preparing for university entrance examinations) all over the country. Using university facilities, these student organizations were founded by students to address the problems of student poverty and at the same time to improve the academic achievement of high school students. In this time period, national universities did not properly publicize information regarding campus life. Instead, the universities relied on student organizations to disseminate such information to students and the public. For this reason, they were fostered by university authorities, and their activities were reported in the media. A study of the history of these organizations reveals the following three points: First, there was a dramatic change in the perception of student organizations over the time under consideration. Initially, student organizations were seen as addressing student poverty and improving academic achievement of high school students. Over time, however, these same organizations were thougut to only be taking money from students and worsening "examination hell." As the latter perception became predominant among the public, student organizations were dismantled by 1970. This trend reflects the impact of post-war reconstruction and rapid economic growth that led to a dramatic increase in the number of students seeking a university education. Second, dispite the external shock of entrance exam changes and negative popular preception, these student organizations continued their business as usual. Even as they were seen as money-making ventures, student organizations remained a vital source of information regarding university for entrance examinees and for high schools and preparatory schools. Third, the business model designed by student organizations was unique and innovative, so much so that after their dissolution, their role was inherited by a new entrance exam "industry." After a fouryear absence of practice exams specific to each university, in 1974 Kawaijuku founded "The Tokyo University Open." Thereafter, variations of this model multiplied, and Kawaijuku became nationally recognized and moved its operation to Tokyo in 1977. Kawaijuku's success launched the "preparatory schools war," that lasted until the late 1980s. In a sense, student organizations were the precursors of the "preparatory schools war."

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Focusing on Wu Rulun's observation of women's education in Japan, this paper analyzes the introduction of Japanese women's education into post Sino-Japanese War China, revealing how information regarding educational systems for Japanese women and its content was imported to China. Wu was Dean of the Imperial University of Peking (京師大学堂), reopened in 1901 by the new government under the control of Empress Cixi. The Imperial University of Peking was later renamed Peking University. In 1902, Wu visited Japan to observe the educational system. At that time, the new Qing government had not yet initiated any reforms of women's education. In the first chapter of this paper, I describe that Wu visited Japan to see Japanese women's education and claimed that China urgently needed to develop women's education. In the chapter two, I analyze what Wu advocated following the Japanese model of women's education. Wu thought that "nurturing wise mothers" was the most urgent task. On one hand, Wu thought Japanese physical education was a great model, while on the other hand, he criticized Japan's moral education as insufficient. Wu advocated "three-education method:" moral education, intellectual education, and physical education. In chapter three, I describe that Wu provided information regarding Japanese teacher education in order to make up for China's lack of qualified teachers. Wu not only recorded his experiences in his diary but also clarified his educational concepts, such as three-education method of women's education in order to introduce these ideas to China. In addition, an analysis of Wu's observations on Japanese women's education reveals Chinese expectations for women's education at that time. This paper utilized sources such as Wu's report of his observations in Japan, published in October, 1902 by Tokyo Sanseido Press (『東遊叢録』); letters from Wu to the Minister of Education in China during his visit to Japan, included in the complete works of Wu Rulun (『呉汝綸全集』); and Japanese newspaper articles regarding Wu's visit, compiled in April, 1903.

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Dr. Bernhard Christoph Faust (1755-1842), who played an active role at the end of 18^<th> century as a public health doctor and writer in the field of hygiene, published several revised editions of his book, The Catechism of Health. This book focused on the methods of instructing children how to live a healthy life. The first edition appeared 1792, and Faust revised it in 1794 and again in 1802. This paper analyzes how these texts reflect changes in Faust's views on child rearing. The Catechism of Health makes use of a question-and-answer format in order to teach the knowledge of hygiene. It was designed for the classroom as well as home instruction. This paper elucidates the following issues: (1) How and why Dr. Faust wrote his book and later revisions; (2) Background factors contributing to the book's wide distribution; (3) The main content and revised portions of the book; (4) The changing relationships between the book and the influence of the church; and (5) The changing descriptions of how to put a baby to sleep.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the development of the citizenship scale which was developed as a means of educational assessment for the Project Method. In 1916, the Horace Mann School affiliated with Teachers College at Columbia University embarked on an educational experiment to set forth the underlying principles of elementary education. This experiment, called the "Horace Mann Studies in Elementary Education," was based on the Project Method theorized in 1918 by William H. Kilpatrick. As part of this effort, the citizenship scale was devised. At that time, grading scales for reading, writing and arithmetic had been newly devised by Edward L. Thorndike and his disciples. In 1918, the citizenship chart was developed particularly by Clara F. Chassell, who specialized in the study of educational assessment of morality under the guidance of Thorn- dike, to indicate standards for the habits and attitudes desirable for good citizenship. The citizenship scale, based on the citizenship chart, was specifically designed as an objective quantitative measurement of character development, something that Kilpatrick highly valued in the Project Method. It was also used as a means to educate students in good citizenship through project activities. Later in the spring of 1922, "A Test of Ability to Weigh Foreseen Consequences" was developed to motivate students to practice desirable habits and attitudes. This test, devised in the final stage of the experiment, was not designed to objectively measure desirable habits and attitudes. Although at the beginning of the experiment, Chassell recognized the need to clarify the purpose of educational assessment, she was unable to do so. In the end, Chassell was driven by necessity to consider the philosophy of assessment and weighed Dewey's educational outlook against Thorndike's. As is clear from its development, the citizenship scale as a means of educational assessment for the Project Method was devised in order to achieve an ideal balance between objectively measuring desirable habits and attitudes and developing them based on the Project Method. Eventually, Chassell focused on the philosophy of assessment and placed greater emphasis, not on objective assessment of character traits, but on improving students' character. Although the citizenship scale was of limited effectiveness for objectively measuring character development, it would be safe to say that it set a precedent for undertaking the difficult task of devising tests and scales for the Project Method.

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