This paper analyzes why student organizations won support for the idea of free higher education, which had been regarded as a radical idea, from other actors such as politicians, academics, and citizens in the 2011 Chilean student movement, the largest social movements since democratization. This analysis focuses on the content change of free higher education presented by the student organizations based on the materials such as minutes, petitions, or joint statements. Utilizing the framing theory, this paper analyzes how the student organizations coordinate their original claim on free higher education with the claims that other actors have. In particular, the student organizations connected their idea of free higher education and the idea of politicians and academics and clarified their idea to citizens by making a slogan. In addition, the good fiscal situation caused by the boom of copper industry and the data on higher education published by OECD prompted these framings. This research will contribute to understanding one of the broad and fruitful outcomes of the 2011 Chilean student movement to the Chilean society and politics.

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The objective of this essay is to analyze the industrial policy during Worker’s Party Administration in Brazil from a perspective of economics and estimate productivity on industrial level in recent two decades. The result shows that the productivity growth (in labor productivity and total factor productivity) during Worker’s Party Administration was poor despite a proactive industrial policy. A poor performance could be explicable by analyzing the characteristics of the implemented policies. They were not necessarily focused on enhancing productivity growth, contrary to theories of industrial policy in economics literature. Especially after the financial crisis in 2008, the objective has been changed to sustain economic growth and defend local industry.

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In Brazil, two Presidents from the Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores = PT) held power for thirteen and a half years from the beginning of 2003 until the middle of 2016. Although the PT administrations mostly enjoyed upward trend, they ended up in negative growth rate, high unemployment and inflation rate, and budget deficit. The main objective of this paper is to identify the problems of economic management in Brazil by examining the stance of the PT administrations on strengthening industries and the outcome of their efforts. This research will be based on the argument of Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira, a Brazilian economist who has insisted New Developmentalism since 2003. While he does not hide his sympathy for the PT administrations which he considers brought back the idea of developmentalism, he also keeps a distance from them, claiming that their idea is Social Developmentalism, not New Developmentalism. The focus of New Developmentalism is on overcoming Dutch disease, that is, devaluating the currency to the industrial equilibrium exchange rate. The PT administrations released three industrial policies: PITCE in 2004, PDP in 2008 and PBM in 2011. The goal of them was to push up export through innovation. The data of export shows that there was a big increase in export between 2002 and 2017. However, the main engine was primary commodities. It is hard to say the increase came from innovation. Bresser-Pereira points out what was missing in the PT strategy was the aspect of the exchange rate control. His idea which stands apart from both the orthodoxy and the PT stance is convincing at a time when Brazil is struggling to improve the competitiveness of the industries.

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