En octubre del 2019, Chile ha vivido lo que se ha llamado un “estallido social”. Acontecimiento histórico relevante, como lo fue la recuperación de la democracia en 1989 después de 17 años de dictadura militar. En el 2020, el país, está siendo impactado, además, por la pandemia COVID-19. Estos sucesos y la determinación de elaborar una nueva Constitución, son factores de incidencia que estarán contextualizando logros y desafíos en materias de políticas de vivienda y urbanismo futuros. Son la continuación de procesos de más de 50 años de inicio, condicionados a su vez por el modelo de desarrollo económico instalado en 1973, vigente hasta hoy. Tiempos de cambios e incertidumbres en un marco de cambio climático en un territorio afecto a constantes riesgos socionaturales. Los mayores costos para la economía que implica avanzar hacia un desarrollo más sustentable en el tratamiento de la vivienda y el urbanismo, están relacionados con los acontecimientos ya señalados pero también con la factibilidad de aumentar la capacidad de ingresos de la población, aspecto asociado a un mayor gasto social, dificultado a su vez por el momento político, social y económico que experimenta la nación. Un factor que puede atenuar lo señalado, es el hecho que la vivienda y materias asociadas al urbanismo, no son problemas públicos en el listado de urgencias que detectan las encuestas de opinión.

抄録全体を表示

Politicians make political survival strategies, but they have rarely been believed to choose programmatic policymaking in resource-rich countries. This argument, however, has been limited mainly to the national level, and little attention has been paid to the political competition between the central government and subnational oppositions. This work claims that subnational oppositions of resource-rich countries have incentives to improve governance in their jurisdictions when they face aggressive intervention with incomparable fiscal resources from their rival in the central government. This article draws upon a cross-municipal analysis and four cases in Bolivia to corroborate this logic. Some subnational oppositions in Bolivia were more apparently motivated to improve public services since 2010 when the Evo Morales government consolidated hegemony at the national level. Although their backgrounds are vastly different, interviews with leaders reveal a consistent similarity, as expected by the hypothesis.

抄録全体を表示

Brazilian corporations rapidly multinationalized between the mid-2000s and the mid-2010s with a great increase in outward FDI. What caused this phenomenon? In this paper, Brazilian meat packer, JBS is chosen as a sample to identify conditions for multinationalization. Although JBS had been just one of the Brazilian major meat exporters early in the 2000s, it grew up to be the biggest meat producer in the world by 2009 after it purchased foreign companies in the US, Australia, Latin America and Europe. Quick worldwide growth was possible because it was benefited by three conditions which were luckily met during that period: funding from the national development bank (BNDES), appreciated home currency, and its own management skills to rebuild troubled foreign enterprises. The first two of the conditions were lost in economic and political turmoil during the mid-2010s. Consequently, companies with an ambition to newly go abroad will have to face difficulties in FDI. On the other hand, companies such as JBS, which could enjoy three conditions, can raise funds from international capital markets on its own without a help from the State. This indicates that the success of multinationalization may dilute the relationship between the State and the corporations concerned.

抄録全体を表示

During decolonization, from 1958 to 1967, Suriname experienced consociational grand coalition governments, which were formed by the three ethnic groups: Creole, East Indian (Hindustani) and Javanese. After the turbulent times characterized by the military regime and the civil war in the 1980s, the fourth ethnic group, who were descendants of Maroons, became integrated into Suriname’s plural political system. Since the country’s democratization in 1988, Suriname’s party system has changed into a competitive system. This paper aims to systematically examine the historical changes in the party system of Suriname. After surveying previous studies conducted in this field, this study conceptualizes the categories “ethnic parties,” composed of the four major ethnic groups, and “non-ethnic parties,” composed of developmental, left-wing, and civic groups. Based on the analytical framework, this paper describes the historical development of Suriname party politics from the 1940s to the 2015 general election, and analyzes the formation and reorganization of party alliances after democratization. The results of analysis indicate that during the period between democratization and the 2015 election, Suriname’s party system satisfied the four lenient conditions for twopartism, in which the “governing alone” clause of twopartism was relaxed by G. Sartori himself. Therefore, it could be concluded that the New Front alliances descended from the grand-coalition and the developmental National Democratic Party with its origins in the military regime played roles as the two major parties. Meanwhile, each Javanese party tended to seek its political orientation and interests separately, by shifting its allegiance one way or the other in the bipolar system.

抄録全体を表示